the 
anger of a rebuke. One of the King's most intimate advisers took an 
opportunity of going up to the fortune-seeking Vendeen, and made him 
understand by a keen and polite hint that the time had not yet come for 
settling accounts with the sovereign; that there were bills of much 
longer standing than his on the books, and there, no doubt, they would 
remain, as part of the history of the Revolution. The Count prudently 
withdrew from the venerable group, which formed a respectful 
semi-circle before the august family; then, having extricated his sword, 
not without some difficulty, from among the lean legs which had got 
mixed up with it, he crossed the courtyard of the Tuileries and got into 
the hackney cab he had left on the quay. With the restive spirit, which 
is peculiar to the nobility of the old school, in whom still survives the 
memory of the League and the day of the Barricades (in 1588), he 
bewailed himself in his cab, loudly enough to compromise him, over 
the change that had come over the Court. "Formerly," he said to 
himself, "every one could speak freely to the King of his own little 
affairs; the nobles could ask him a favor, or for money, when it suited 
them, and nowadays one cannot recover the money advanced for his 
service without raising a scandal! By Heaven! the cross of Saint-Louis 
and the rank of brigadier-general will not make good the three hundred 
thousand livres I have spent, out and out, on the royal cause. I must 
speak to the King, face to face, in his own room." 
This scene cooled Monsieur de Fontaine's ardor all the more effectually
because his requests for an interview were never answered. And, 
indeed, he saw the upstarts of the Empire obtaining some of the offices 
reserved, under the old monarchy, for the highest families. 
"All is lost!" he exclaimed one morning. "The King has certainly never 
been other than a revolutionary. But for Monsieur, who never derogates, 
and is some comfort to his faithful adherents, I do not know what hands 
the crown of France might not fall into if things are to go on like this. 
Their cursed constitutional system is the worst possible government, 
and can never suit France. Louis XVIII. and Monsieur Beugnot spoiled 
everything at Saint Ouen." 
The Count, in despair, was preparing to retire to his estate, abandoning, 
with dignity, all claims to repayment. At this moment the events of the 
20th March (1815) gave warning of a fresh storm, threatening to 
overwhelm the legitimate monarch and his defenders. Monsieur de 
Fontaine, like one of those generous souls who do not dismiss a servant 
in a torrent of rain; borrowed on his lands to follow the routed 
monarchy, without knowing whether this complicity in emigration 
would prove more propitious to him than his past devotion. But when 
he perceived that the companions of the King's exile were in higher 
favor than the brave men who had protested, sword in hand, against the 
establishment of the republic, he may perhaps have hoped to derive 
greater profit from this journey into a foreign land than from active and 
dangerous service in the heart of his own country. Nor was his 
courtier-like calculation one of these rash speculations which promise 
splendid results on paper, and are ruinous in effect. He was-- to quote 
the wittiest and most successful of our diplomates--one of the faithful 
five hundred who shared the exile of the Court at Ghent, and one of the 
fifty thousand who returned with it. During the short banishment of 
royalty, Monsieur de Fontaine was so happy as to be employed by 
Louis XVIII., and found more than one opportunity of giving him 
proofs of great political honesty and sincere attachment. One evening, 
when the King had nothing better to do, he recalled Monsieur de 
Fontaine's witticism at the Tuileries. The old Vendeen did not let such a 
happy chance slip; he told his history with so much vivacity that a king, 
who never forgot anything, might remember it at a convenient season. 
The royal amateur of literature also observed the elegant style given to 
some notes which the discreet gentleman had been invited to recast.
This little success stamped Monsieur de Fontaine on the King's 
memory as one of the loyal servants of the Crown. 
At the second restoration the Count was one of those special envoys 
who were sent throughout the departments charged with absolute 
jurisdiction over the leaders of revolt; but he used his terrible powers 
with moderation. As soon as the temporary commission was ended, the 
High Provost found a seat in the Privy Council, became a deputy, spoke 
little, listened much, and changed his opinions very considerably. 
Certain circumstances, unknown to historians, brought him into    
    
		
	
	
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