The Ancient Regime | Page 8

this method
enable us to arrive at a knowledge of its formation, growth, and greatest

perfection, and likewise of the change for the worse which is sure
follow some day. For, as I said, this state, more than any other, has
been formed and has grown naturally, and will undergo a natural
decline and change to its contrary. The reader will be able to judge of
the truth of this from the subsequent parts this work."
The modern reader may think that all this is irrelevant to him, that the
natural sciences will solve all his problems. He would be wise to recall
that the great Roman republic in which Polybius lived more than
[22]00 years ago, did indeed become transformed into tyranny and, in
the end, into anarchy and oblivion. No wonder that the makers of the
American constitution keenly studied Polybius. Not only has Taine's
comments and factual description of the cyclic French political history
much to teach us about ourselves and the dangers which lie ahead, but
it also shows us the origins and weakness of our political theories. It is
obvious that should ask ourselves the question of where, in the political
evolution we are now? Are we still ruled by the corrupt oligarchs or
have we reached the stage where the people has become used to be fed
on the property of others? If so dissolution and anarchy is just around
the corner.
"The Revolution, Vol. II, 8th ed.
Svend Rom. Hendaye, France. February 2000.
------------------------------------------------------------------- -------- Preface:
In this volume, as in those preceding it and in those to come, there will
be found only the history of Public Authorities. Others will write that
of diplomacy, of war, of the finances, of the Church; my subject is a
limited one. To my great regret, however, this new part fills an entire
volume; and the last part, on the revolutionary government, will be as
long.
I have again to regret the dissatisfaction I foresee this work will cause
to many of my countrymen. My excuse is, that almost all of them, more
fortunate than myself, have political principles which serve them in
forming their judgments of the past. I had none; if indeed, I had any
motive in undertaking this work, it was to seek for political principles.
Thus far I have attained to scarcely more than one; and this is so simple
that will seem puerile, and that I hardly dare express it. Nevertheless I
have adhered to it, and in what the reader is about to peruse my
judgments are all derived from that; its truth is the measure of theirs. It

consists wholly in this observation: that
HUMAN SOCIETY, ESPECIALLY A MODERN SOCIETY, IS A
VAST AND COMPLICATED THING.
Hence the difficulty in knowing and comprehending it. For the same
reason it is not easy to handle the subject well. It follows that a
cultivated mind is much better able to do this than an uncultivated mind,
and a man specially qualified than one who is not. From these two last
truths flow many other consequences, which, if the reader deigns to
reflect on them, he will have no trouble in defining.
Paris 1881.

Notes:
[1] Page XLVI of the Introduction to the Edition by Robert Lafont in
1986 by "Les Origines de la France Contemporaine".
[2] From "HISTORIES", BOOK VI. 3. 3-4. 1 FROM LOEB'S
CLASSICAL LIBRARY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS.
THE ANCIENT REGIME
PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR:
ON POLITICAL IGNORANCE AND WISDOM.
In 1849, being twenty-one years of age, and an elector, I was very
much puzzled, for I had to nominate fifteen or twenty deputies, and,
moreover, according to French custom, I had not only to determine
what candidate I would vote for, but what theory I should adopt. I had
to choose between a royalist or a republican, a democrat or a
conservative, a socialist or a bonapartist; as I was neither one nor the
other, nor even anything, I often envied those around me who were so
fortunate as to have arrived at definite conclusions. After listening to
various doctrines, I acknowledged that there undoubtedly was
something wrong with my head. The motives that influenced others did
not influence me; I could not comprehend how, in political matters, a
man could be governed by preferences. My assertive countrymen
planned a constitution just like a house, according to the latest, simplest,
and most attractive plan; and there were several under consideration -
the mansion of a marquis, the house of a common citizen, the tenement
of a laborer, the barracks of a soldier, the kibbutz of a socialist, and
even the camp of savages. Each claimed that his was "the true
habitation for Man, the only one in which a sensible person could live."

In my opinion, the argument was weak;