would have declared, with as much 
emphasis as Francis Hopkinson a century later, "We of America are in 
all respects Englishmen." Professor Edward Channing thinks that it 
took a century of exposure to colonial conditions to force the English in 
America away from the traditions and ideals of those who continued to 
live in the old land. But the student of literature must keep constantly in 
mind that these English colonizers represented no single type of the 
national character. There were many men of many minds even within 
the contracted cabin of the Mayflower. The "sifted wheat" was by no 
means all of the same variety. 
For Old England was never more torn by divergent thought and
subversive act than in the period between the death of Elizabeth in 
1603 and the Revolution of 1688. In this distracted time who could say 
what was really "English"? Was it James the First or Raleigh? 
Archbishop Laud or John Cotton? Charles the First or Cromwell? 
Charles the Second or William Penn? Was it Churchman, Presbyterian, 
Independent, Separatist, Quaker? One is tempted to say that the title of 
Ben Jonson's comedy "Every Man in his Humour" became the standard 
of action for two whole generations of Englishmen, and that there is no 
common denominator for emigrants of such varied pattern as Smith and 
Sandys of Virginia, Morton of Merrymount, John Winthrop, "Sir" 
Christopher Gardiner and Anne Hutchinson of Boston, and Roger 
Williams of Providence. They seem as miscellaneous as "Kitchener's 
Army." 
It is true that we can make certain distinctions. Virginia, as has often 
been said, was more like a continuation of English society, while New 
England represented a digression from English society. There were 
then, as now, "stand-patters" and "progressives." It was the second 
class who, while retaining very conservative notions about property, 
developed a fearless intellectual radicalism which has written itself into 
the history of the United States. But to the student of early American 
literature all such generalizations are of limited value. He is dealing 
with individual men, not with "Cavalier" or "Roundhead" as such. He 
has learned from recent historians to distrust any such facile 
classification of the first colonists. He knows by this time that there 
were aristocrats in Massachusetts and commoners in Virginia; that the 
Pilgrims of Plymouth were more tolerant than the Puritans of Boston, 
and that Rhode Island was more tolerant than either. Yet useful as these 
general statements may be, the interpreter of men of letters must always 
go back of the racial type or the social system to the individual person. 
He recognizes, as a truth for him, that theory of creative evolution 
which holds that in the ascending progress of the race each thinking 
person becomes a species by himself. 
While something is gained, then, by remembering that the racial 
instincts and traditions of the first colonists were overwhelmingly 
English, and that their political and ethical views were the product of a 
turbulent and distraught time, it is even more important to note how the 
physical situation of the colonists affected their intellectual and moral,
as well as their political problems. Among the emigrants from England, 
as we have seen, there were great varieties of social status, religious 
opinion, individual motive. But at least they all possessed the physical 
courage and moral hardihood to risk the dangerous voyage, the fearful 
hardships, and the vast uncertainties of the new life. To go out at all, 
under the pressure of any motive, was to meet triumphantly a searching 
test. It was in truth a "sifting," and though a few picturesque rascals had 
the courage to go into exile while a few saints may have been deterred, 
it is a truism to say that the pioneers were made up of brave men and 
braver women. 
It cannot be asserted that their courage was the result of any single, 
dominating motive, equally operative in all of the colonies. Mrs. 
Hemans's familiar line about seeking "freedom to worship God" was 
measurably true of the Pilgrims of Plymouth, about whom she was 
writing. But the far more important Puritan emigration to 
Massachusetts under Winthrop aimed not so much at "freedom" as at 
the establishment of a theocracy according to the Scriptures. These men 
straightway denied freedom of worship, not only to newcomers who 
sought to join them, but to those members of their own company who 
developed independent ways of thinking. The list of motives for 
emigration ran the whole gamut, from missionary fervor for converting 
the savages, down through a commendable desire for gain, to the 
perhaps no less praiseworthy wish to escape a debtor's prison or the 
pillory. A few of the colonists were rich. Some were beggars or 
indentured servants. Most of them belonged to the middle class. John 
Harvard was the son of a butcher; Thomas    
    
		
	
	
	Continue reading on your phone by scaning this QR Code
 
	 	
	
	
	    Tip: The current page has been bookmarked automatically. If you wish to continue reading later, just open the 
Dertz Homepage, and click on the 'continue reading' link at the bottom of the page.
	    
	    
