Ten Days That Shook the World | Page 4

the text, was married to John Reed, and after his death married William Bullitt in 1923 (divorced 1930) and died in Paris in 1936 at age 41. Mr. Bullitt was the first ambassador to Russia in the Roosevelt administration, and later to France. Harvard University accepted a commissioned portrait of Reed in 1935 from a group of his classmates and hung it in Adams House, site of the boarding house where Reed lived at Harvard. ]
Ten Days That Shook the World
by John Reed
Table of Contents
Preface.
Notes and Explanations.


Chapter 1.
Background.


Chapter 2.
The Coming Storm.


Chapter 3.
On the Eve.


Chapter 4.
The Fall of the Provisional Government.


Chapter 5.
Plunging Ahead.


Chapter 6.
The Committee for Salvation.


Chapter 7.
The Revolutionary Front.


Chapter 8.
Counter-Revolution.


Chapter 9.
Victory.


Chapter 10.
Moscow.


Chapter 11.
The Conquest of Power.


Chapter 12.
The Peasants�� Congress.
Appendices I - XII
Preface
THIS book is a slice of intensified history��history as I saw it. It does not pretend to be anything but a detailed account of the November Revolution, when the Bolsheviki, at the head of the workers and soldiers, seized the state power of Russia and placed it in the hands of the Soviets.
Naturally most of it deals with ��Red Petrograd,�� the capital and heart of the insurrection. But the reader must realize that what took place in Petrograd was almost exactly duplicated, with greater or lesser intensity, at different intervals of time, all over Russia.
In this book, the first of several which I am writing, I must confine myself to a chronicle of those events which I myself observed and experienced, and those supported by reliable evidence; preceded by two chapters briefly outlining the background and causes of the November Revolution. I am aware that these two chapters make difficult reading, but they are essential to an understanding of what follows.
Many questions will suggest themselves to the mind of the reader. What is Bolshevism? What kind of a governmental structure did the Bolsheviki set up? If the Bolsheviki championed the Constituent Assembly before the November Revolution, why did they disperse it by force of arms afterward? And if the bourgeoisie opposed the Constituent Assembly until the danger of Bolshevism became apparent, why did they champion it afterward?
These and many other questions cannot be answered here. In another volume, ��Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk,�� I trace the course of the Revolution up to and including the German peace. There I explain the origin and functions of the Revolutionary organisations, the evolution of popular sentiment, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the structure of the Soviet state, and the course and outcome of the Brest- Litovsk negotiations��.
In considering the rise of the Bolsheviki it is necessary to understand that Russian economic life and the Russian army were not disorganised on November 7th, 1917, but many months before, as the logical result of a process which began as far back as 1915. The corrupt reactionaries in control of the Tsar��s Court deliberately undertook to wreck Russia in order to make a separate peace with Germany. The lack of arms on the front, which had caused the great retreat of the summer of 1915, the lack of food in the army and in the great cities, the break-down of manufactures and transportation in 1916��all these we know now were part of a gigantic campaign of sabotage. This was halted just in time by the March Revolution.
For the first few months of the new r��gime, in spite of the confusion incident upon a great Revolution, when one hundred and sixty millions of the world��s most oppressed peoples suddenly achieved liberty, both the internal situation and the combative power of the army actually improved.
But the ��honeymoon�� was short. The propertied classes wanted merely a political revolution, which would take the power from the Tsar and give it to them. They wanted Russia to be a constitutional Republic, like France or the United States; or a constitutional Monarchy, like England. On the other hand, the masses of the people wanted real industrial and agrarian democracy.
William English Walling, in his book, ��Russia��s Message,�� an account of the Revolution of 1905, describes very well the state of mind of the Russian workers, who were later to support Bolshevism almost unanimously:
They (the working people) saw it was possible that even under a free Government, if it fell into the hands of other social classes, they might still continue to starve��.
The Russian workman is revolutionary, but he is neither violent, dogmatic, nor unintelligent. He is ready for barricades, but he has studied them, and alone of the workers of the world he has learned about them from actual experience. He is ready and willing to fight his oppressor, the capitalist class, to a finish. But he does not ignore the existence of other classes. He merely asks that the other classes take one side or the other in the bitter conflict that draws near��.
They (the workers) were all agreed that our (American)