Speeches of the Honorable Jefferson Davis, 1858 | Page 8

of a part, but aimed at the injury of a
particular section, the pulsations of his own heart told him such cannot
be the purpose, the aim, or the wish of any American Democrat--and he
saw around him to-day evidence that his opinion in this respect had
here its verification. As he looked upon the weather-beaten faces of the
veterans and upon the flushed cheek and flashing eye of the youth,
which told of the fixed resolve of the one, and the ardent, noble hopes
of the other, strengthened hope and bright anticipations filled his mind,
and he feared not to ask the questions shall narrow interests, shall local
jealousies, shall disregard of the high purposes for which our Union
was ordained, continue to distract our people and impede the progress
of our government toward the high consummation which prophetic
statesmen have so often indicated as her destiny?--[Voices, no, no, no!
Much applause.]
Thanks for that answer; let every American heart respond no; let every
American head, let every American hand unite in the great object of
National development. Let our progress be across the land and over the
sea, let our flag as stated in your resolutions, continue to wave its
welcome to the oppressed, who flee from the despotism of other lands,
until the constellation which marks the number of our States which
have already increased from thirteen to thirty two, shall go on
multiplying into a bright galaxy covering the field on which we now
display the revered stripes, which record the original size of our
political family, and shall shed its benign light over all mankind, to
point them to the paths of self-government and constitutional liberty.
He here referred to the history of the Democratic party, and numbered
among its glories the various acts of territorial acquisition and triumphs
through its foreign intercourse in the march of civilization and National
amity, as well as in the glories which from time to time had been shed
by the success of our arms upon the name and character of the
American people. He alluded to the recent attempt by some of the

governments of Europe, to engraft upon National law a prohibition
against privateering. He said whenever other governments were willing
to declare that private property should be exempt from the rigors of war,
on sea as it is on land, our government might meet them more than half
way, but to a proposition which would leave private property the prey
of national vessels and thus give the whole privateering to those
governments which maintained a large naval establishment in time of
peace, he would unhesitatingly answer no. Our merchant marine
constituted the militia of the sea--how effective it had been in our last
struggle with a maritime power, he need not say to the sons of those
who had figured so conspicuously in that species of warfare. The policy
of our government was peace. We could not consent to bear the useless
expense of a naval establishment larger than was necessary for its
proper uses in a time of peace. Relying as we had and must hereafter
upon the merchant marine to man whatever additional vessels we
should require, and upon the bold and hardy Yankee sailor, when he
could no longer get freight for his craft, to receive a proper armament,
and go forth like a knight errant of the sea in quest of adventure against
the enemies of his country's flag.
He said our country was powerful for all military purposes, and if asked
to compare her armies and her navy with those of the great powers of
Europe, he would answer, that is not our standard. History teaches that
our strength is in the courage and patriotism, the skill and intelligence
of our people. A part of the American army was before him, and a part
of the American navy was lying in the harbor of their city. That army
and that navy had fought the battles of the Revolution, of the "war of
1812" and of the war with Mexico, and would never be found wanting,
whilst the patriotism of the earlier days of the Republic, proved a
sufficient cement to hold the different parts of our wide spread and
extending country together. He said that everything around him spoke
eloquently of the wisdom of the men who founded these colonies-their
descendants, who sat before him, contrasted strongly, as did their
history and present power, stand out in bold relief, when compared
with those of the inhabitants of Central and Southern America. Chief
among the reasons for this, he believed to be the self-reliant hardihood
of their forefathers who, when but a handful, found themselves
confronted by hordes of savages, yet proudly maintained the integrity

of their race and asserted its supremacy over the