Selected Speeches on British Foreign Policy 1738-1914 | Page 5

Lord-Lieutenant, recommended the Irish House of Commons to
augment the Irish army, and assured them expressly that on the

augmentation being made, not less than 12,000 men should at all times,
'except in cases of invasion or rebellion in Great Britain,' be stationed
in Ireland.]
RICHARD BRINSLEY SHERIDAN
APRIL 25, 1793 THE PARTITION OF POLAND
The people of England ought to know what were the views of the
Minister upon this war, and to what extent it was to be carried, that they
might not be proceeding under a delusion. Supposing we had gained
our original purpose, he wanted to know how peace was to be obtained,
without negotiation with those who have the exercise of government. If
we countenanced the memorial of Lord Auckland, we should say, that
the whole National Convention--all the members of the districts--in
short, about eight or nine millions of people, must be put to death,
before we can negotiate for peace. Supposing that we were to join the
conspiracy to dictate a form of government to France, he then should
wish to know what sort of government it was that we were to insist on.
Were we to take the form of it from that exercised by the Emperor, or
that of the King of Prussia? or was it to be formed by the lady who so
mildly conducted the affairs of Russia? or were they all to lay their
heads together, and by the assistance of the Pope, dictate a form of
government to France? Were the French to have a constitution, such as
the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Burke) was likely to applaud?
Indeed, he feared that this was not yet settled; and there were various
specimens of what had been already thought of by different Powers.
There were two manifestoes of the Prince of Coburg; the one promised
the form of government chosen by themselves, in which they agreed to
have a monarchy, and afterwards, in the course of four days, this
promise was retracted in consequence of the accession of Dumourier to
the confederacy. What would the right honourable gentleman (Mr.
Burke) say if they should not give the French the form of the
constitution of Poland, or would he content himself with saying, they
ought not to have such a constitution? He believed that neither the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor any of his supporters, would say
anything at present upon that subject. It appeared, however, somewhat

mysterious, perhaps, that after the Congress at Antwerp, in which Great
Britain was not unrepresented, that the intention of the combined
Powers had altered, and that a much more sanguinary mode was to be
pursued against France than had been before intended; and perhaps the
time might come when the parties might follow the example set by the
manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, and affirm that these were threats
which were not intended to be carried into execution. But this was not
the way to amuse us. The people of England would not long be content
to remain in the dark as to the object of the war. Again he must ask,
what was the object of the war? Again he must ask, what was the object
of our pursuit in conjunction with the other Powers against France?
Was it to restore the ancient tyranny and despotism of that nation? This
would please some people, he knew, particularly emigrants; but
nothing would be so hateful to the people of this country, or any other
where there existed the least love of freedom, nor could anything be
more destructive to the tranquillity and happiness of Europe. Were we
to join Dumourier in a declaration not to rest until we had put to death
those detestable regicides, calling themselves philosophers, and all the
miscreants who had destroyed all lawful authority in France? If we
were, he would venture to say, this would be a war for a purpose
entirely new in the history of mankind; and as it was called a war of
vengeance, he must say, that we arrogated to ourselves a right which
belonged to the Divinity, to whom alone vengeance ought to be left. If
the Minister said that on our part there was no intention to interfere in
the internal government of France, he must then ask what were the
views of the other Powers, with whom we now acted in concert against
France. Was it to make a partition of France, as they did of Poland? Or
should he be told, that as far as regarded the affairs of France under the
present Power, he was talking of none who ought to be mentioned as a
people; that the sans culottes were too contemptible a race to be
mentioned; he would say, he meant to ask what was to become