Select Speeches of Kossuth | Page 6

that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie again: and
therefore Hungary wishes and wills to be a free and independent
republic,--a republic founded on the rule of law, securing social order,
guaranteeing person, property, the moral development as well as
material welfare of the people,--in a word, a republic like that of the
United States, founded on institutions inherited from England itself.
This is the conviction of my people, which I share in the very heart of
my heart.
* * * * *
III.--COMMUNISM AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS.
[_From Kossuth's Second Speech at Manchester, Nov. 12th_, 1851.]
I can understand Communism, but not Socialism. I have read many
books on the subject, I have consulted many doctors; but they differ so
much that I never could understand what they really mean. However,
the only sense which I can see in socialism, is inconsistent with social
order and the security of property.
Now since France has three times in sixty years failed to obtain
practical results from Political revolutions, all Europe is apt to press
forward into new Social doctrine to regulate the future. Believing then,
that,--not from my merit, but from the state of my country,--I may be
able somewhat to influence the course of the next European revolution,
I think it right plainly to declare beforehand my allegiance to the great
principle of security for personal property. Nevertheless, to give
success to my endeavours in this direction, the rational expectations of
the nations of Europe must speedily be fulfilled; else neither I, nor
more important men, can avail to stay revolutionary movement. The
danger of the case may be illustrated by the ancient story of the
Sibylline books.
Take Hungary as an instance. Three years ago we should have been
extremely well contented with the laws as made by our parliament in
1848, which laws did not break the tie between us and the house of
Hapsburg. But then Austria assailed us with arms, and it became

impossible for us to go on with that constitution; indeed she herself
proclaimed it to be dissolved. We defeated her, and next she called in
the Russian armies. Hungary was then under the necessity of _casting
off the Hapsburg monarchy_; and only the third Sibylline book
remained. Yet Hungary did not even then renounce monarchy, but gave
instructions to her representative in England to say to the Government
of this country, that _if they wished to see monarchy established in
Hungary, we would accept any dynasty they proposed_: but it was
not-listened to. Then came the horrors of Arad,[*] and destroyed all our
faith in monarchy. So the last of the three books was burned.
[Footnote *: In Arad the Hungarian Generals, who surrendered by
Görgy's persuasion, were hanged or shot; and simultaneously
Bathyanyi, who had been arrested when he came as an ambassador of
peace, was judged anew and murdered by a second court-martial.]
And so, wherever men's reasonable expectations are not fulfilled, it
cannot be known where their fluctuations will end. Every man who is
anxious for the preservation of person and property should help the
world in obtaining rational freedom: if it be not obtained, mankind will
search after other forms of action, totally subversive of all existing
social order; and where the excitement will subside, I do not know.
Men like me, who merely wish to establish political freedom, will in
such circumstances lose all their influence, and others will get influence
who may become dangerous to all established interests whatsoever.
* * * * *
IV.--LEGITIMACY OF HUNGARIAN INDEPENDENCE.
[When Kossuth had landed at Staten Island, thus for the first time
setting his foot on American soil, he was met by a deputation, which
made an address to him. He replied as follows (Dec. 5th, 1851)]:--
Ladies and gentlemen: The twelve hours that I have had the happiness
to stand on your shores, give me augury that, during my stay in the
United States, I shall have a pleasant duty to perform, in answering the
generous spirit of your people. I hope, however, that you will consider
that I am in the first moments of a hard task,--to address your
intelligent people in a tongue foreign to me. You will not expect from
me an elaborate speech, but will be contented with a few warmly-felt
words. Citizens, accept my fervent thanks for your generous welcome,
and my blessing upon your sanction of my hopes. You have most truly

stated what they are, when you announce the destiny of your glorious
country, and tell me that from it the spirit of liberty will go forth and
achieve the freedom of the world.
Yes, citizens, these are the hopes which have induced me, in a most
eventful period, to cross the Atlantic. I confidently hope,