Select Speeches of Kossuth | Page 4

Balance of Power Syracuse, June 4th.
50. Retrospect and Prospect Utica, June 9th.
51. The Triple Bond New York, June 22d.
52. The Future of Nations New York.
APPENDICES
KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES.
[The speeches of Kossuth in England, though masterly in themselves,
are in great measure superseded by those which he delivered in
America, where the same subjects were treated at far greater length,
and viewed from many different aspects. From the speeches in England
I here present only three topics, in a rather fragmentary form.]
I.--SECRECY OF DIPLOMACY.
[_First Extract: from Kossuth's Speech at the Guildhall, London, Oct.
30th_, 1851.]
The time draws near, when a radical change must take place for the
whole world in the management of diplomacy. Its basis has been
secrecy: therein is the triumph of absolutism, and the misfortune of a
free people. This has won its way not in England only, but throughout
the whole world, even where not a penny of the national property can
be disposed of without public consent. It surely is dangerous to the
interests of the country and to constitutional liberty, to allow such a
secrecy, that the people not only should not know how its interests are
being dealt with, but that after the crisis is passed, the minister should
inform them: "The dinner has been prepared,--and eaten; and the
people has nothing to do, but digest the consequences." What is the
principle of all evil in Europe? The encroaching spirit of Russia.--And
by what power has Russia become so mighty? By its arms?--No: the
arms of Russia are below those of many Powers. It has become almost
omnipotent,--at least very dangerous to liberty,--by diplomatic intrigues.
Now against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no surer
safeguard, or more powerful counteraction, than public discussion. This
must be opposed to intrigues, and intrigues are then of no weight in the
destinies of humanity.
* * * * *

[_Second Extract from a Short Speech in London, May 25th, 1858_.]
I must ask leave to make a remark on the system pursued by your
Government in their Foreign relations. You consider yourselves a
constitutional nation: I fear that in some respects you are not so. There
is a Latin proverb [current in Hungary], Nil de nobis sine
nobis,--"nothing that concerns us, without us." This in many things you
make your maxim. You say that none of your money shall be spent
without your knowledge and approval; and in your internal affairs you
carry this out; but I think that the secrecy in which the transactions of
your diplomacy are involved is hardly constitutional. Of that most
important portion of your affairs which concerns your country in its
relations with the rest of Europe, what knowledge have you? If any
interpellation is made about any affair not yet concluded, my Lord the
Secretary of the Foreign Office will reply that _he cannot give any
answer, for the negotiations are still pending_. A little later he will be
able to answer, that _as all is now concluded, all comment will be
superfluous_.
One little fact I will just mention. By the last treaty with Denmark, to
which you became a party, the crown of that kingdom was so settled
that only three lives stand between it and the Czar of Russia. Three
lives! but a fragile barrier, when high political aims are concerned. It is
therefore an allowed fact, that the country which commands entrance to
the Baltic, and which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would
effectually exclude your commerce from that sea, may pass into the
hands of Russia, whose pretensions in the south of Europe you take so
much pains to check. This your government have done quietly. How
many are there of your people that know and approve it? I hope you
will not be offended, if I say, that I cannot understand how yours can be
called in this respect a constitutional country.
* * * * *
II.--MONARCHY AND REPUBLICANISM.
[_From Kossuth's Speech at Copenhagen House, Nov. 3d, 1851_.]
In my opinion, the form of Government may be different in different
countries, according to their circumstances, their wishes, their wants.
England loves her Queen, and has full motive to do so. England feels
great, glorious and free, and has full reason to feel so. But the fact of
England being a monarchy cannot be sufficient reason for her to hate

and discredit republican forms of government in other countries
differing in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. On the other side,
to the United States of America, which under republican government
are likewise great, glorious, and free, their republicanism gives no
sufficient reason to hate and discredit monarchical government in
England. It entirely belongs to the right of every nation to dispose of its
domestic concerns.