accomplish selfish ends?
Whatever may have been the method of evolution, it is certain that the
manufacturing operations of the present day have to meet with
elements entirely antagonistic to their interests, and in very many ways
antagonistic to the interests of the workingman. The members of many
organizations, even of intelligent men, are blindly led by chiefs of
various titles, of which perhaps the walking delegate is the most
offensive one to reasonable people. This class of men claim the right to
intrude themselves into the establishments owned by others, and on the
most trivial grounds make demands more or less unreasonable, and
order strikes and otherwise interfere with the work of manufacturers,
much in the way that we have an idea that the agents of the barbarbous
chieftains, feudal lords, and semi-civilized rulers collected taxes and
laid burdens in earlier historical times. Necessarily these men must use
their power so as to insure its permanency. If strikes are popular, strikes
must be ordered. If funds run low, excuses for strikes, it is believed, in
many cases are sought, so as to stir the pulses of those who sympathize
with the labor cause.
Co-operation has been suggested as a cure for the evil, and there are
cases where it has apparently succeeded, in connection with the earlier
forms of labor organization. The ambition of later labor leaders almost
prevents this remedy being of effect. It may be possible still with very
intelligent workmen, isolated from the large mass of workmen in the
country towns, to feel an interest in co-operation; but such inducements,
or the higher ones of personal kindness to employes or their families,
are not of much effect in large manufacturing centers. As soon as
dissatisfaction exists in one mill or manufactory, all similar employes
are ordered out. The final result will be that combinations of employers
must follow the combination of employes, and those who have always
been strong in the past will be stronger in the future, as has appeared to
be the case in many contests that have already taken place. If there are
any real abuses of power by the employers, such as requiring work for
unusual hours or at less than living rates, the first thing to do is to
correct these abuses, so that complaints will not be upon a sound
foundation. Some men, when the labor epidemic strikes their places,
have sufficient force of character and influence with their men to avert
the blow for some time. Others find it is policy to compromise with the
representatives until a plan of action, conciliatory, offensive, or
defensive, can be determined upon. The whole matter must be
considered one of policy rather than of principles. The class of men to
be dealt with do not talk principles except as an excuse to secure their
ends.
In spite of everything, there will be times when no compromise is
possible and you will be called upon to take part in defending your
employers' interests against what is called a "strike." You can do so
with heart when you know the employes are all well paid, and
particularly, as is frequently the case, when the labor organizers and
walking delegates claim that some old, tried foreman shall be dismissed
because they do like him, really because he has not been a tool in
carrying out their plans, and they defiantly acknowledge that their war
is against non-union labor, and that they have organized your men and
forced a strike to require your establishment to become as it is called a
"union shop." If your deluded employes were permitted simply to go
away and let you alone, and you were permitted to employ others at the
reasonable wages you were paying, the problem would be a simple one.
The principal labor organizations claim that everything they do is by
peaceable methods, but this, like many things said, is simply to deceive,
for if you attempt to employ other assistants and carry on your business
independently, you will surely find that well known roughs are
assembled who never do anything without they are paid for it by
somebody, that your men are assaulted by such persons, and while the
labor organizers talk about peaceable methods and urge them aloud in
public, in case one of the roughs is arrested, the loud talkers are the first
to go bail for the defender, and you will feel morally sure that the
sympathizing crowd with the roughs who make the assaults are all part
of or tools of the organization.
At such times, you will find your old employes standing around the
street corners, persuading other men not to go to work and thus
interfere with what are called the true interests of labor. Any new
employe who has to go
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