hand or not. Under a secular government the
city would be far more lively and, in many respects, more pleasant for
strangers. An enterprising vigorous rule could probably do much to
check the malaria, to bring the Campagna into cultivation, to render the
Tiber navigable, to promote roads and railways, and to develop the
internal resources of the Roman States. The gain accruing from these
reforms and improvements would, in Roman estimation, far outweigh
any possible loss in the number of visitors, or from the absence of the
Papal court. Moreover, whether rightly or wrongly, all Romans
entertain an unshakeable conviction that in an united Italian kingdom,
Rome must ultimately be the chief, if not the sole capital of Italy.
These reasons, which rest on abstract considerations, naturally affect
only the educated classes who are also biassed by their political
predilections. The small trading and commercial classes are, on
somewhat different grounds, equally dissatisfied with the present state
of things. The one boon they desire, is a settled government and the end
of this ruinous uncertainty. Now a priestly government supported by
French bayonets can never give Rome either order or prosperity. For
the sake of quiet itself, they wish for change. With respect to the poor,
it is very difficult to judge what their feelings or wishes may be. From
what I have seen, I doubt, whether in any part of Italy, with the
exception of the provinces subject to Austrian oppression, the
revolution is, strictly speaking, a popular one. I suspect that the
populace of Rome have no strong desire for Italian unity or, still less
for annexation to Sardinia, but I am still more convinced that they have
no affection or regard whatever for the existing government; not even
the sort of attachment, valueless though it be, which the lazzaroni of
Naples have for their Bourbon princes. It is incredible, if any such a
feeling did exist, that it should refuse to give any sign of its existence at
such a time as the present.
With respect to the actual pecuniary cost of the Papal government, it is
not easy to arrive at any positive information; I have little faith in
statistics generally, and in Roman statistics in particular; I have,
however, before me the official Government Budget for the year 1858.
Like all Papal documents, it is confused and meagre, but yet some
curious conclusions may be arrived at from it. The year 1858 was as
quiet a year, be it remembered, as there has been in Italy for ten years
past. It was only on new year's day, in 1859, that Napoleon dropped the
first hint of the Italian war. The year 1858 may therefore be fairly
regarded as a normal year under the present Papal system. For this year
the net receipts of the Government were,
Scudi. Direct Taxes . . . . 3,011571 Customs . . . . . . 5,444729
Stamps . . . . . . . 947184 Post . . . . . . . . 111848 Lottery . . . . . . 392813
Licences for Trade . . 174525 Total 10,082670
Now the census, taken at the end of 1857, showed a little over 600,000
families in the Papal States. The head therefore of every family had, on
an average, to pay about 16 sc. and a half, or 3 pounds. 7s. 9d. annually
for the expenses of the Government, which for so poor a country is
pretty well. Let us now see how that money is professed to have been
spent,
The net expenses are,
Scudi. Army . . . . . . . . 2,014047 Public Debt . . . . 4,217708
Interior . . . . . . 1,507235 Currency . . . . . . 15115 Public Works . . . .
681932 Census . . . . . . . 88151 Grant for special purposes to Minister
of Finance . . . 1,415404 Total 9,949592
Now the Pontifical army is kept up avowedly not for purposes of
defence, but to support the Government. The public debt of 66 millions
of scudi has been incurred for the sake of keeping up this army. The
expenses of the Interior mean the expenses of the police and spies,
which infest every town in the Papal dominions, and the grant for
Special Purposes, whatever else it may mean, which is not clear, means
certainly some job, which the Government does not like to avow. The
only parts, therefore, of the expenditure which can be fairly said to be
for the benefit of the nation, are the expenses of the Currency, Census
and Public Works, amounting altogether to 785198 scudi, or not a
twelfth of the net income raised by taxation. Commercially speaking,
whatever may be the case theologically, I
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