Principles of Freedom | Page 7

our field and wasted it, as the nations
around us waste theirs to-day. We led Europe once; let us lead again
with a beautiful realisation of freedom; and let us beware of the
delusion that is abroad, that we seek nothing more than to be free of
restraint, as England, France and Germany are to-day; let us beware of
the delusion that if we can scramble through anyhow to freedom we
can then begin to live worthily, but that in the interval we cannot be too
particular. That is the grim shadow that darkens our path, that falls
between us and a beautiful human life, and may drive us to that
tiger-like existence that makes havoc through the world to-day. Let us

beware. I do not say we must settle now all disputes, such as capital,
labour, and others, but that everyone should realise a duty to be
high-minded and honourable in action; to regard his fellow not as a
man to be circumvented, but as a brother to be sympathised with and
uplifted. Neither kingdom, republic, nor commune can regenerate us; it
is in the beautiful mind and a great ideal we shall find the charter of our
freedom; and this is the philosophy that it is most essential to preach.
We must not ignore it now, for how we work to-day will decide how
we shall live to-morrow; and if we are not scrupulous in our struggle,
we shall not be pure in our future state, I know there are many who are
not indifferent to high-minded action, but who live in dread of an
exacting code of life, fearing it will harass our movements and make
success impossible. Let us correct this mistake with the reflection that
the time is shaping for us. The power of our country is strengthening;
the grip of the enemy is slackening; every extension of local
government is a step nearer to independent government; the people are
not satisfied with an instalment; their capacity for further power is
developed, and they are equipped with weapons to win it. Even in our
time have we made great advance. Let one fact alone make this evident.
Less than twenty years ago the Irish language was despised; to-day the
movement to restore it is strong enough to have it made compulsory in
the National University. Can anyone doubt from this sign of the times
alone that the hour points to freedom, and we are on the road to victory?
That we shall win our freedom I have no doubt; that we shall use it well
I am not so certain, for see how sadly misused it is abroad through the
world to-day. That should be our final consideration, and we should
make this a resolution--our future history shall be more glorious than
that of any contemporary state. We shall look for prosperity, no doubt,
but let our enthusiasm be for beautiful living; we shall build up our
strength, yet not for conquest, but as a pledge of brotherhood and a
defence for the weaker ones of the earth; we shall take pride in our
institutions, not only as guaranteeing the stability of the state, but as
securing the happiness of the citizens, and we shall lead Europe again
as we led it of old. We shall rouse the world from a wicked dream of
material greed, of tyrannical power, of corrupt and callous politics to
the wonder of a regenerated spirit, a new and beautiful dream; and we
shall establish our state in a true freedom that will endure for ever.

CHAPTER III
MORAL FORCE
I
One of the great difficulties in discussing any question of importance in
Ireland is that words have been twisted from their original and true
significance, and if we are to have any effective discussion, we must
first make clear the meaning of our terms. Love of country is quoted to
tolerate every insidious error of weakness, but if it has any meaning it
should make men strong-souled and resolute in every crisis. Men
working for the extension of Local Government toast "Ireland a
Nation," and extol Home Rule as independence; but while there is any
restraint on us by a neighbouring Power, acknowledged superior, there
is dependence to that extent. Straightway, those who fight for
independence shift their ground and plead for absolute independence,
but there is no such thing as qualified independence; and when we
abandon the simple name to men of half-measures, we prejudice our
cause and confuse the issue. Then there is the irreconcilable--how is he
regarded in the common cry? Always an impossible, wild, foolish
person, and we frequently resent the name and try to explain his
reasonableness instead of exulting in his strength, for the true
irreconcilable is the simple lover of the truth. Among men