Peace Theories and the Balkan War | Page 2

C. Chesterton's case for "killing and being killed" as the best method of settling differences--Its application to Civil Conflicts--As in Spanish-America--The difference between Devonshire and Venezuela--Will the Balkans adopt the Turco-Venezuelan political ideals or the British?
CHAPTER V.
OUR RESPONSIBILITY FOR BALKAN WARS.
Mr. Winston Churchill on the "Responsibility" of Diplomacy--What does he mean?--An easy (and popular) philosophy--Can we neglect past if we would avoid future errors?--British temper and policy in the Crimean War--What are its lessons?--Why we fought a war to sustain the "integrity and independence of the Turkish dominion in Europe"--Supporting the Turk against his Christian victims--From fear of Russian growth which we are now aiding--The commentary of events--Shall we back the wrong horse again?
CHAPTER VI.
PACIFISM, DEFENCE, AND "THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF WAR."
Did the Crimean War prove Bright and Cobden wrong?--Our curious reasoning--Mr. Churchill on "illusions"--The danger of war is not the illusion but its benefits--We are all Pacifists now since we all desire Peace--Will more armaments alone secure it?--The experience of mankind--War "the failure of human wisdom"--Therefore more wisdom is the remedy--But the Militarists only want more arms--The German Lord Roberts--The military campaign against political Rationalism--How to make war certain.
CHAPTER VII.
"THEORIES" FALSE AND TRUE: THEIR ROLE IN EUROPEAN PROGRESS.
The improvement of ideas the foundation of all improvement--Shooting straight and thinking straight; the one as important as the other--Pacifism and the Millennium--How we got rid of wars of religion--A few ideas have changed the face of the world--The simple ideas the most important--The "theories" which have led to war--The work of the reformer to destroy old and false theories--The intellectual interdependence of nations--Europe at unity in this matter--New ideas cannot be confined to one people--No fear of ourselves or any nation being ahead of the rest.
CHAPTER VIII.
WHAT MUST WE DO?
We must have the right political faith--Then we must give effect to it--Good intention not enough--The organization of the great forces of modern life--Our indifference as to the foundations of the evil--The only hope.
CHAPTER I.
THE QUESTIONS AND THEIR ANSWER.
What has Pacifism, Old or New, to say now?
Is War impossible?
Is it unlikely?
Is it futile?
Is not force a remedy, and at times the only remedy?
Could any remedy have been devised on the whole so conclusive and complete as that used by the Balkan peoples?
Have not the Balkan peoples redeemed War from the charges too readily brought against it as simply an instrument of barbarism?
Have questions of profit and loss, economic considerations, anything whatever to do with this war?
Would the demonstration of its economic futility have kept the peace?
Are theories and logic of the slightest use, since force alone can determine the issue?
Is not war therefore inevitable, and must we not prepare diligently for it? I will answer all these questions quite simply and directly without casuistry and logic-chopping, and honestly desiring to avoid paradox and "cleverness." And these quite simple answers will not be in contradiction with anything that I have written, nor will they invalidate any of the principles I have attempted to explain.
And my answers may be summarised thus:--
(1) This war has justified both the Old Pacifism and the New. By universal admission events have proved that the Pacifists who opposed the Crimean War were right and their opponents wrong. Had public opinion given more consideration to those Pacifist principles, this country would not have "backed the wrong horse," and this war, two wars which have preceded it, and many of the abominations of which the Balkan peninsular has been the scene during the last 60 years might have been avoided, and in any case Great Britain would not now carry upon her shoulders the responsibility of having during half a century supported the Turk against the Christian and of having tried uselessly to prevent what has now taken place--the break-up of the Turk's rule in Europe.
(2) War is not impossible, and no responsible Pacifist ever said it was; it is not the likelihood of war which is the illusion, but its benefits.
(3) It is likely or unlikely according as the parties to a dispute are guided by wisdom or folly.
(4) It is futile; and force is no remedy.
(5) Its futility is proven by the war waged daily by the Turks as conquerors, during the last 400 years. And because the Balkan peoples have chosen the less evil of two kinds of war, and will use their victory to bring a system based on force and conquest to an end, we who do not believe in force and conquest rejoice in their action, and believe it will achieve immense benefits. But if instead of using their victory to eliminate force, they in their turn pin their faith to it, continue to use it the one against the other, exploiting by its means the populations they rule, and become not the organisers of social co-operation among the Balkan populations, but merely, like the Turks,