New York | Page 5

James Fenimore Cooper
church that, in this country, is by no
means affluent. The manner in which the Americans are subdivided
into sects also conflicts with any commendable desire that may exist to
build glorious temples in honor of the Deity: and convenience is more
consulted than taste, perhaps, in all that relates to ecclesiastical
architecture. Nevertheless, a sensible improvement in this respect has
occurred within the last few years, to which we shall elsewhere advert.
It will be in their trade, their resources, their activity, and their
influence on the rest of the world, as well as in their population, that the
towns of Manhattan will be first entitled to rank with the larger capitals
of Europe. So obvious, rapid, and natural has been the advance of all

the places, that it is not easy for the mind to regard anything belonging
to them as extraordinary, or out of rule. There is not a port in the whole
country that is less indebted to art and the fostering hand of
Government than this. It is true, certain forts, most of them of very
doubtful necessity, have been constructed for defence; but no attack
having ever been contemplated, or, if contemplated, attempted, they
have been dead letters in the history of its progress. We are not aware
that Government has ever expended one cent in the waters of
Manhattan, except for the surveys, construction of the aforesaid
military works, and the erection of the lighthouses, that form a part of
the general provision for the safe navigation of the entire coast. Some
money has been expended for the improvement of the shallow waters
of the Hudson; but it has been as much, or more, for the advantage of
the upper towns, and the trade coastwise, generally, than for the special
benefit of New York.
The immense natural advantages of the bays and islands at the mouth
of the Hudson have, in a great degree, superseded the necessity of such
assistance. Nature has made every material provision for a mart of the
first importance: and perhaps it has been fortunate that the towns have
been left, like healthful and vigorous children, managed by prudent
parents, to take the inclination and growth pointed out to them by this
safest and best of guides.
London is indebted to artificial causes, in a great degree, for its growth
and power. That great law of trade, which renders settling places
indispensable, has contributed to her prosperity and continued
ascendency, long after the day when rival ports are carrying away her
fleets and commerce. She is a proof of the difficulty of shaking a
commercial superiority long established. Scarce a cargo that enters the
ports of the kingdom that does not pay tribute to her bankers or
merchants. But London is a political capital, and that in a country
where the representation of the Government is more imposing,
possessing greater influence, than in any other Christian nation. The
English aristocracy, which wields the real authority of the state, here
makes its annual exhibition of luxury and wealth, such as the world has
never beheld anywhere else, ancient Rome possibly excepted, and has

had a large share in rendering London what it is.
New York has none of this adventitious aid. Both of the Governments,
that of the United States and that of the State, have long been taken
from her, leaving her nothing of this sort but her own local authorities.
But representation forms no part of the machinery of American policy.
It is supposed that man is too intellectual and philosophical to need it,
in this intellectual and philosophical country, PAR EXCELLENCE.
Although such is the theory, the whole struggle in private life is limited
to the impression made by representation in the hands of individuals.
That which the Government has improvidently cast aside, society has
seized upon: and hundreds who have no claim to distinction beyond the
possession of money, profit by the mistake to place themselves in
positions perhaps that they are not always exactly qualified to fill. Of
all social usurpations, that of mere money is the least tolerable--as one
may have a very full purse with empty brains and vulgar tastes and
habits. The wisdom of thus throwing the control of a feature of society,
that is of much more moment than is commonly supposed, into the
chapter of commercial accidents may well he questioned
Some crude attempts have been made to bring the circles of New York
within the control of a code prepared and promulgated through the
public press. They who have made these abortive attempts have been
little aware of the power with which they have to contend. Napoleon
himself, who could cause the conscription to enter every man's
dwelling, could not bring the coteries of the Faubourg under his
influence. In this
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