New York Times Current History: The European War from the Beginning to March 1915, Vol 1, No. 2 | Page 7

of peace to weigh what I have
written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and his
friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had enjoyed
the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer doubt either
his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms with England or
his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust with which his offer
of friendship is too often received."
The Consequences.
On Nov. 17 following Prince von Bülow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking
with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's
published interview and setting forth:
First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or Federal
Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting held yesterday
that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to express views affecting
the relations of the empire with other countries except through his
responsible Ministers. This expression, derives weight from the fact
that the Governments of Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony were
represented on the committee.
Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made by
the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his
constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners
concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions.
Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was
accurately indicated by the press of the country.
The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the

Reichsanzeiger, in the form of a communication, which read:
During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his
Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a report
by Prince von Bülow. The Imperial Chancellor described the feeling
and its causes among the German people in connection with the article
published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the position he
had taken during the course of the debates and interpellations on this
subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the Emperor received the
statements and explanations with great earnestness, and then expressed
his will as follows:
"Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are regarded
by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his principal imperial
task is to insure the stability of the policies of the empire, under the
guardianship of constitutional responsibilities. In conformity therewith,
his Majesty the Emperor approves the Chancellor's utterances in the
Reichstag, and assures Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence."
* * * * *

WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.
Published by The Morning Post of London, Oct. 30, 1914.
The subjoined letter written to the late Lord Tweedmouth by the
German Emperor is made public for the first time. It is a literal
transcript of the original document in which occur a few slight errors in
spelling. The existence of the document was first made known to the
public by the military correspondent of The Times, who published a
letter on the subject on March 6, 1908, but its contents were not
divulged.
The significance of the letter can be understood only in the light of the
naval and political situation six years ago. During the preceding year,
1907, The Hague Conference, ostensibly convened in the interests of
international peace, had resolved itself into a committee to determine

how to diminish the severities of war. There was a section of opinion in
this country which was persuaded that the only method of seeking
peace was to reduce the navy and army. At the same time the Imperial
German Navy was making swift and steady progress, and its menace to
British supremacy aroused considerable alarm in this country.
Although the British Navy held superiority over the German Navy in
ships not of the dreadnought type, the balance in dreadnoughts was
virtually even.
Dreadnought Supremacy.
It was stated in Parliament that in the year 1916 Germany, according to
her naval law, would have thirty-six dreadnoughts, a number which
would involve the building by this country of forty-four such vessels in
the same period, toward which the Government was only providing two
in the current year. It was also stated that in the year 1911 Germany
would possess thirteen dreadnoughts and Great Britain only twelve,
which statement was founded upon reasonable assumptions. Could
Germany reckon upon the continuance of such a relative position, the
advantage to her would be very great.
It was at this critical moment that the German Emperor indited his
letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty, which is printed below. When
the fact became known there was a good deal of public feeling aroused
both in this country and abroad. Lord Tweedmouth stated that the letter
was a private letter and purely personal. Prince von Bülow informed
the Reichstag that the letter was of both a private and political character,
adding some remarks concerning the "purely defensive