New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915 | Page 4

a measure of responsibility for the loss of American lives and
vessels in case of an attack by a German naval force.
You will impress upon his Majesty's Government the grave concern
which this Government feels in the circumstances in regard to the
safety of American vessels and lives in the war zone declared by the
German Admiralty.
You may add that this Government is making earnest representations to
the German Government in regard to the danger to American vessels
and citizens if the declaration of the German Admiralty is put into
effect.

GERMANY'S ANSWER.
BERLIN, (via London,) Feb. 18.--German Government's reply to the
American note follows:
The Imperial Government has examined the communication from the
United States Government in the same spirit of good-will and
friendship by which the communication appears to have been dictated.
The Imperial Government is in accord with the United States
Government that for both parties it is in a high degree desirable to
avoid misunderstandings which might arise from measures announced
by the German Admiralty and to provide against the occurrence of
incidents which might trouble the friendly relations which so far
happily exist between the two Governments.
With regard to the assuring of these friendly relations, the German
Government believes that it may all the more reckon on a full
understanding with the United States, as the procedure announced by
the German Admiralty, which was fully explained in the note of the 4th
inst., is in no way directed against legitimate commerce and legitimate
shipping of neutrals, but represents solely a measure of self-defense,
imposed on Germany by her vital interests, against England's method
of warfare, which is contrary to international law, and which so far no
protest by neutrals has succeeded in bringing back to the generally
recognized principles of law as existing before the outbreak of war.
In order to exclude all doubt regarding these cardinal points, the
German Government once more begs leave to state how things stand.
Until now Germany has scrupulously observed valid international rules
regarding naval warfare. At the very beginning of the war Germany
immediately agreed to the proposal of the American Government to
ratify the new Declaration of London, and took over its contents
unaltered, and without formal obligation, into her prize law.
The German Government has obeyed these rules, even when they were
diametrically opposed to her military interests. For instance, Germany
allowed the transportation of provisions to England from Denmark
until today, though she was well able, by her sea forces, to prevent it. In

contradistinction to this attitude, England has not even hesitated at a
second infringement of international law, if by such means she could
paralyze the peaceful commerce of Germany with neutrals. The
German Government will be the less obliged to enter into details, as
these are put down sufficiently, though not exhaustively, in the
American note to the British Government dated Dec. 29, as a result of
five months' experience.
All these encroachments have been made, as has been admitted, in
order to cut off all supplies from Germany and thereby starve her
peaceful civil population--a procedure contrary to all humanitarian
principles. Neutrals have been unable to prevent the interruption of
their commerce with Germany, which is contrary to international laws.
The American Government, as Germany readily acknowledges, has
protested against the British procedure. In spite of these protests and
protests from other neutral States, Great Britain could not be induced to
depart from the course of action she had decided upon. Thus, for
instance, the American ship Wilhelmina recently was stopped by the
British, although her cargo was destined solely for the German civil
population, and, according to the express declaration of the German
Government, was to be employed only for this purpose.
Germany is as good as cut off from her overseas supply by the silent or
protesting toleration of neutrals, not only in regard to such goods as are
absolute contraband, but also in regard to such as, according to
acknowledged law before the war, are only conditional contraband or
not contraband at all. Great Britain, on the other hand, is, with the
toleration of neutral Governments, not only supplied with such goods
as are not contraband or only conditional contraband, but with goods
which are regarded by Great Britain, if sent to Germany, as absolute
contraband, namely, provisions, industrial raw materials, &c., and even
with goods which have always indubitably been regarded as absolute
contraband.
The German Government feels itself obliged to point out with the
greatest emphasis that a traffic in arms, estimated at many hundreds of
millions, is being carried on between American firms and Germany's

enemies. Germany fully comprehends that the practice of right and the
toleration of wrong on the part of neutrals are matters absolutely at the
discretion of neutrals, and involve no