My Bondage and My Freedom | Page 9

diffident in his own abilities, reluctant at their dissuadings, how
beautiful is the loyalty with which he still clung to their principles in all
things else, and even in this.
Now came the trial hour. Without cordial support from any large body
of men or party on this side the Atlantic, and too far distant in space
and immediate interest to expect much more, after the much already
done, on the other side, he stood up, almost alone, to the arduous labor
and heavy expenditure of editor and lecturer. The Garrison party, to
which he still adhered, did not want a colored newspaper--there was an
odor of caste about it; the Liberty party could hardly be expected to
give warm support to a man who smote their principles as with a
hammer; and the wide gulf which separated the free colored people
from the Garrisonians, also separated them from their brother,
Frederick Douglass.
The arduous nature of his labors, from the date of the establishment of
his paper, may be estimated by the fact, that anti-slavery papers in the
United States, even while organs of, and when supported by,
anti-slavery parties, have, with a single exception, failed to pay
expenses. Mr. Douglass has maintained, and does maintain, his paper

without the support of any party, and even in the teeth of the opposition
of those from whom he had reason to expect counsel and
encouragement. He has been compelled, at one and the same time, and
almost constantly, during the past seven years, to contribute matter to
its columns as editor, and to raise funds for its support as lecturer. It is
within bounds to say, that he has expended twelve thousand dollars of
his own hard earned money, in publishing this paper, a larger sum than
has been contributed by any one individual for the general
advancement of the colored people. There had been many other papers
published and edited by colored men, beginning as far back as
<13>1827, when the Rev. Samuel E. Cornish and John B. Russworm (a
graduate of Bowdoin college, and afterward Governor of Cape Palmas)
published the Freedom's Journal, in New York City; probably not less
than one hundred newspaper enterprises have been started in the United
States, by free colored men, born free, and some of them of liberal
education and fair talents for this work; but, one after another, they
have fallen through, although, in several instances, anti-slavery friends
contributed to their support.[3] It had almost been given up, as an
impracticable thing, to maintain a colored newspaper, when Mr.
Douglass, with fewest early advantages of all his competitors, essayed,
and has proved the thing perfectly practicable, and, moreover, of great
public benefit. This paper, in addition to its power in holding up the
hands of those to whom it is especially devoted, also affords irrefutable
evidence of the justice, safety and practicability of Immediate
Emancipation; it further proves the immense loss which slavery inflicts
on the land while it dooms such energies as his to the hereditary
degradation of slavery.
It has been said in this Introduction, that Mr. Douglass had raised
himself by his own efforts to the highest position in society. As a
successful editor, in our land, he occupies this position. Our editors rule
the land, and he is one of them. As an orator and thinker, his position is
equally high, in the opinion of his countrymen. If a stranger in the
United States would seek its most distinguished men--the movers of
public opinion--he will find their names mentioned, and their
movements chronicled, under the head of "BY MAGNETIC
TELEGRAPH, in the daily papers. The keen caterers for the public

attention, set down, in this column, such men only as have won high
mark in the public esteem. During the past winter--1854-5--very
frequent mention of Frederick Douglass was made under this head in
the daily papers; his name glided as often--this week from Chicago,
next

[3] Mr. Stephen Myers, of Albany, deserves mention as one of the most
persevering among the colored editorial fraternity.
<14>week from Boston--over the lightning wires, as the name of any
other man, of whatever note. To no man did the people more widely
nor more earnestly say, "Tell me thy thought!" And, somehow or other,
revolution seemed to follow in his wake. His were not the mere words
of eloquence which Kossuth speaks of, that delight the ear and then
pass away. No! They were work- able, do-able words, that brought
forth fruits in the revolution in Illinois, and in the passage of the
franchise resolutions by the Assembly of New York.
And the secret of his power, what is it? He is a Representative
American man--a type of his countrymen. Naturalists tell us that a full
grown man is a resultant or