Misc Writings and Speeches, vol 4 | Page 6

Exclusion of Judges from the House of Commons. (June 1, 1853)

SPEECHES, ETC.
PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. (MARCH 2, 1831)
A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE
2D OF MARCH, 1831.
On Tuesday, the first of March, 1831, Lord John Russell moved the
House of Commons for leave to bring in a bill to amend the
representation of the people in England and Wales. The discussion
occupied seven nights. At length, on the morning of Thursday, the tenth
of March, the motion was carried without a division. The following
speech was made on the second night of the debate.
It is a circumstance, Sir, of happy augury for the motion before the
House, that almost all those who have opposed it have declared

themselves hostile on principle to Parliamentary Reform. Two
Members, I think, have confessed that, though they disapprove of the
plan now submitted to us, they are forced to admit the necessity of a
change in the Representative system. Yet even those gentleman have
used, as far as I have observed, no arguments which would not apply as
strongly to the most moderate change as to that which has been
proposed by His Majesty's Government. I say, Sir, that I consider this
as a circumstance of happy augury. For what I feared was, not the
opposition of those who are averse to all Reform, but the disunion of
reformers. I knew that, during three months, every reformer had been
employed in conjecturing what the plan of the Government would be. I
knew that every reformer had imagined in his own mind a scheme
differing doubtless in some points from that which my noble friend, the
Paymaster of the Forces, has developed. I felt therefore great
apprehension that one person would be dissatisfied with one part of the
bill, that another person would be dissatisfied with another part, and
that thus our whole strength would be wasted in internal dissensions.
That apprehension is now at an end. I have seen with delight the perfect
concord which prevails among all who deserve the name of reformers
in this House; and I trust that I may consider it as an omen of the
concord which will prevail among reformers throughout the country. I
will not, Sir, at present express any opinion as to the details of the bill;
but, having during the last twenty- four hours given the most diligent
consideration to its general principles, I have no hesitation in
pronouncing it a wise, noble, and comprehensive measure, skilfully
framed for the healing of great distempers, for the securing at once of
the public liberties, and of the public repose, and for the reconciling
and knitting together of all the orders of the State.
The honourable Baronet who has just sat down (Sir John Walsh.), has
told us, that the Ministers have attempted to unite two inconsistent
principles in one abortive measure. Those were his very words. He
thinks, if I understand him rightly, that we ought either to leave the
representative system such as it is, or to make it perfectly symmetrical.
I think, Sir, that the Ministers would have acted unwisely if they had
taken either course. Their principle is plain, rational, and consistent. It
is this, to admit the middle class to a large and direct share in the
representation, without any violent shock to the institutions of our

country. I understand those cheers: but surely the gentlemen who utter
them will allow that the change which will be made in our institutions
by this bill is far less violent than that which, according to the
honourable Baronet, ought to be made if we make any Reform at all. I
praise the Ministers for not attempting, at the present time, to make the
representation uniform. I praise them for not effacing the old
distinction between the towns and the counties, and for not assigning
Members to districts, according to the American practice, by the Rule
of Three. The Government has, in my opinion, done all that was
necessary for the removing of a great practical evil, and no more than
was necessary.
I consider this, Sir, as a practical question. I rest my opinion on no
general theory of government. I distrust all general theories of
government. I will not positively say, that there is any form of polity
which may not, in some conceivable circumstances, be the best
possible. I believe that there are societies in which every man may
safely be admitted to vote. Gentlemen may cheer, but such is my
opinion. I say, Sir, that there are countries in which the condition of the
labouring classes is such that they may safely be intrusted with the right
of electing Members of the Legislature. If the labourers of England
were in that state in which I,