Memoirs of Napoleon, vol 14 | Page 5

circumstances should render advisable; secondly, to assist at the
coronation of the Empress Maria Louisa. Her presence, and that of her
son, was spoken of as something that admitted of no doubt, though
Bonaparte knew there was little hope of their return from Vienna.
These various enactments were well calculated to serve Napoleon's
cause. They flattered the army, and at the same time stimulated their
resentment against the emigrants, by insinuating that they had been
sacrificed by Louis to the interest of his followers. They held out to the
Republicans a prospect of confiscation, proscription, and, revolution of
government, while, the Imperialists were gratified with a view of ample
funds for pensions, offices, and honorary decorations. To proprietors of
the national domains security was promised, to the Parisians the grand
spectacle of the Champ-de-Mai, and to. France peace and tranquillity,
since the arrival of the Empress and her son, confidently asserted to be
at hand, was taken as a pledge of the friendship of Austria.
Napoleon at the same time endeavoured to make himself popular with
the common people--the, mob of the Faubourg St. Antoine and other

obscure quarters of Paris. On the first evening of his return, as he
walked round the glittering circle met to welcome him, in the State
apartments of the Tuileries, he kept repeating, "Gentlemen, it is to the
poor and disinterested mass of the people that I owe everything; it is
they who have brought me back to the capita. It is the poor subaltern
officers and common soldiers that have done all this. I owe everything
to the common people and the ranks of the army. Remember that! I
owe everything to the army and the people!" Some time after he took
occasional rides through the Faubourg St. Antoine, but the
demonstrations of the mob gave him little pleasure, and, it was easy to
detect a sneer in his addresses to them. He had some slight intercourse
with the men of the Revolution--the fierce, bloodthirsty Jacobins--but
even now he could not conceal his abhorrence of them, and, be it said
to his honour, he had as little to do with them as possible.
When Napoleon, departed for the summer campaign he took care
beforehand to leave large sums of money for the 'federes'; in the hands
of the devoted Real; under whose management the mob was placed.
These sums were to be distributed at appropriate seasons, to make the
people cry in the streets of Paris, "Napoleon or death." He also left in
the hands of Davoust a written authority for the publication of his
bulletins, many clauses of which were written long before the battles
were fought that they were to describe. He gave to the same Marshal a
plan of his campaign, which he had arranged for the defensive. This
was not confided to him without an injunction of the strictest secrecy,
but it is said that Davoust communicated the plan to Fouche.
Considering Davoust's character this is very unlikely, but if so, it is far
from improbable that Fouche communicated the plan to the Allies with
whom, and more particularly with Prince Metternich, he is well known
to have been corresponding at the time.
Shortly after the Emperor's arrival in Paris Benjamin Constant, a
moderate and candid man, was deputed by the constitutional party to
ascertain Napoleon's sentiments and intentions. Constant was a lover of
constitutional liberty, and an old opponent of Napoleon, whose
headlong career of despotism, cut out by the sword, he had vainly
endeavoured to check by the eloquence of his pen.

The interview took place at the Tuileries. The Emperor, as was his
wont, began the conversation, and kept it nearly all to himself during
the rest of the audience. He did not affect to disguise either his past
actions or present dispositions.
"The nation," he said, "has had a respite of twelve years from every
kind of political agitation, and for one year has enjoyed a respite from
war. This double repose has created a craving after activity. It requires,
or fancies it requires, a Tribune and popular assemblies. It did not
always require them. The people threw themselves at my feet when I
took the reins of government You ought to recollect this, who made a
trial of opposition. Where was your support--your strength? Nowhere. I
assumed less authority than I was invited to assume. Now all is
changed. A feeble government, opposed to the national interests, has
given to these interests the habit of standing on the defensive and
evading authority. The taste for constitutions, for debates, for
harangues, appears to have revived. Nevertheless it is but the minority
that wishes all this, be assured. The people, or if you like the phrase
better; the multitude, wish only for me. You would say so if