counties in the north, from
_Bath, Bristol,_ and other places in the west, with the petitions
entrusted to them, the signatures to which, together with those of the
petitions previously sent up, did not amount to less than half a million;
I came to town as the delegate from Bath and Bristol, both of which
cities had held public meetings, most numerously attended, and passed
similar resolutions to those agreed to at Spa Fields. The Reformers
from each of those cities had sent me up a petition, to be presented to
the House of Commons, praying for universal suffrage, one signed by
24,000 and the other by 25,000 persons. To be brief here, (for I shall
detail the circumstances more fully hereafter, as they make a most
important epoch of my life); the delegates met, 63 in number, at the
Crown and Anchor, Major Cartwright in the chair, who, together with
Mr. Jones Burdett, attended as a deputation from the Hampden Club.
The Major, in opening the business of the day, stated that the members
of the Hampden Club, with Sir Francis Burdett at their head, had come
to a resolution to support suffrage to the extent of householders, _and
no further,_ and that they recommended the adoption of this plan to the
delegates. The Major was particularly eloquent, and went out of the
usual course of a chairman, by requesting, almost as a personal favour
to himself, that the delegates would adopt the recommendation of the
Hampden Club. Mr. Cobbett then rose, and, in a speech replete with
every argument which this most clear and powerful reasoner could
suggest, proposed the first resolution, that the meeting should adopt the
recommendation of the Hampden Club, and agree to recommend the
reformers to petition to the extent of _householder suffrage only;_
urging, as Major Cartwright had done before, the necessity of agreeing
to this plan, because Sir F. Burdett had positively refused to support
any petitions for universal suffrage. This resolution was seconded by
Mr. Jno. Allen, my brother delegate, from Bath, although he had
positive instructions not to agree to any thing short of universal
suffrage; but Mr. Cobbett's powerful though fallacious reasoning, had
convinced him, of the necessity of curtailing the right to householders
only. I rose and moved an amendment, substituting universal for
householder suffrage, and, with all the reasoning and energy in my
power, I combated the arguments of my friends Cobbett and Major
Cartwright, deprecating the narrow-minded policy that would deprive
3-4ths of the population of the inherent birthright of every freeman. My
proposition, and the whole of the arguments I used in its support, were
received by a very large majority of the delegates with enthusiastic
approbation; so much so, that it convinced Mr. Cobbett of the folly as
well as the inutility of persisting in his motion. My amendment having
been seconded by Mr. Hulme, from Bolton in Lancashire, and being
supported by a very ingenious argument of my brave friend and fellow
prisoner (now in Lincoln Castle) Mr. Bamford, Mr. Cobbett rose and
begged to withdraw his motion, he having been convinced of the
practicability of universal suffrage by the speech of Mr. Bamford, who
had at the time only said a few words upon that subject. The question
was put, and principle carried it against policy, there being for my
amendment I think 60, and only 3 for the householder plan. Thus then,
my friends, whether I was right or whether I was wrong, I not only was
the first to propose the adoption of the wild and visionary scheme of
universal suffrage at a great public meeting, but I also stood firm to the
cause, when those who have since so ably advocated the principle, were
(in evil hour) from policy about to abandon it. Let, therefore, all the
blame of the reformers having so determinedly advocated the wild and
visionary scheme of universal suffrage rest upon my shoulders, which,
thank God, are quite broad enough to bear it without feeling it in any
degree burdensome, particularly as Sir F. Burdett has at length come
fully up to our mark. From that time to this I have never deviated from,
never shifted to the right or to the left, but always, at all times, through
good report, and through evil report, undisguisedly enforced and
maintained, with all the ability I possessed, the right of the whole of my
fellow-countrymen to be fairly and freely represented, in the Commons
House of Parliament. If there be any merit in what was then called a
stubborn and pertinacious adherence to this great principle, I am only
entitled to share that merit jointly with Mr. Hulme, Mr. Bamford, and
the other brave and patriotic men who came from different parts of the
country, as delegates. Without
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