Machiavelli, Volume I | Page 6

after Machiavelli's death,
that it was published in 1532, by order of Clement VII. Meanwhile,
however, in manuscript it had been widely read and favourably
received.
[Sidenote: Its purpose.]
The mere motive of its creation and dedication has been the theme of
many volumes. Machiavelli was poor, was idle, was out of favour, and
therefore, though a Republican, wrote a devilish hand-book of tyranny
to strengthen the Medici and recover his position. Machiavelli, a loyal
Republican, wrote a primer of such fiendish principles as might lure the
Medici to their ruin. Machiavelli's one idea was to ruin the rich:
Machiavelli's one idea was to oppress the poor: he was a Protestant, a
Jesuit, an Atheist: a Royalist and a Republican. And the book published
by one Pope's express authority was utterly condemned and forbidden,
with all its author's works, by the express command of another (1559).
But before facing the whirlwind of savage controversy which raged and
rages still about _The Prince_, it may be well to consider shortly the
book itself--consider it as a new book and without prejudice. The
purpose of its composition is almost certainly to be found in the plain
fact that Machiavelli, a politician and a man of letters, wished to write a
book upon the subject which had been his special study and lay nearest
to his business and bosom. To ensure prominence for such a book, to
engage attention and incidentally perhaps to obtain political
employment for himself, he dedicated it to Lorenzo de' Medici, the
existing and accepted Chief of the State. But far and above such lighter
motives stood the fact that he saw in Lorenzo the only man who might
conceivably bring to being the vast dream of patriotism which the

writer had imagined. The subject he proposed to himself was largely,
though not wholly, conditioned by the time and place in which he lived.
He wrote for his countrymen and he wrote for his own generation. He
had heard with his ears and seen with his eyes the alternate rending
anarchy and moaning paralysis of Italy. He had seen what Agricola had
long before been spared the sight of. And what he saw, he saw not
through a glass darkly or distorted, but in the whitest, driest light,
without flinching and face to face. 'We are much beholden,' writes
Bacon, 'to Machiavelli and others that wrote what men do, and not what
they ought to do.' He did not despair of Italy, he did not despair even of
Italian unity. But he despaired of what he saw around him, and he was
willing at almost any price to end it. He recognised, despite the nominal
example of Venice, that a Republican system was impossible, and that
the small Principalities and Free Cities were corrupt beyond hope of
healing. A strong central unifying government was imperative, and at
that day such government could only be vested in a single man. For it
must ever be closely remembered, as will be pointed out again, that
throughout the book the Prince is what would now be called the
Government. And then he saw with faithful prophecy, in the splendid
peroration of his hope, a hope deferred for near four hundred years, he
saw beyond the painful paths of blood and tyranny, a vision of
deliverance and union. For at least it is plain that in all things
Machiavelli was a passionate patriot, and _Amo la patria mia più dell'
anima_ is found in one of the last of many thousand letters that his
untiring pen had written.
The purpose, then, of The Prince is to lay down rules, within the
possibilities of the time, for the making of a man who shall create,
increase, and maintain a strong and stable government. This is done in
the main by a plain presentation of facts, a presentation condensed and
critical but based on men and things as they actually were. The ethical
side is wholly omitted: the social and economical almost entirely. The
aspect is purely political, with the underlying thought, it may be
supposed, that under the postulated government, all else will prosper.
[Sidenote: The Book; New States.]
Machiavelli opens by discussing the various forms of governments,
which he divides into Republics and Principalities. Of the latter some
may be hereditary and some acquired. Of hereditary states he says little

and quotes but one, the Duchy of Ferrara. He then turns to his true
subject, the acquisition and preservation of States wholly new or new in
part, States such as he saw himself on every side around him. Having
gained possession of a new State, he says, you must first extirpate the
family of your predecessor. You should then either reside or plant
colonies, but not trust to garrisons. 'Colonies are not costly to the