Lord George Bentinck | Page 9

thirty pounds of mutton. But to be safe in his
estimate, he would assume that one ton of turnips makes only half this

quantity. 'Multiply, then,' exclaimed Bentinck with the earnest air of a
crusader, 'six million six hundred and sixty-six thousand six hundred
and sixty by fifteen, and you have no less than ninety-nine million nine
hundred and ninety-nine thousand and nine hundred pounds of mutton
as the fruits of one hundred thousand tons of guano; which, at
ninety-two pounds per man--the average Englishman's
allowance--affords meat for one million eight hundred and sixty
thousand nine hundred and fifty-five--nearly two million of her
Majesty's subjects.'
This is a specimen of those original and startling calculations to which
the House was soon to become accustomed from his lips. They were
received at first with astonishment and incredulity; but they were never
impugned. The fact is, he was extremely cautious in his data, and no
man was more accustomed ever to impress upon his friends the extreme
expediency of not over-stating a case. It should also be remarked of
Lord George Bentinck, that in his most complicated calculations he
never sought aid from notes.
We have necessarily only noticed a few of the traits of this remarkable
performance. Its termination was impressive.
'We have heard in the course of these discussions a good deal about an
ancient monarchy, a reformed House of Commons, and a proud
aristocracy. Sir, with regard to our ancient monarchy, I have no
observation to make; but, if so humble an individual as myself might be
permitted to whisper, a word in the ear of that illustrious and royal
personage who, as he stands nearest, so is he justly dearest, to her who
sits upon the throne, I would take leave to say, that I cannot but think
he listened to ill advice, when, on the first night of this great discussion,
he allowed himself to be seduced by the first minister of the crown to
come down to this House to usher in, to give éclat, and as it were by
reflection from the queen, to give the semblance of the personal
sanction of her Majesty to a measure which, be it for good or for evil, a
great majority at least of the landed aristocracy of England, of Scotland,
and of Ireland, imagine fraught with deep injury, if not ruin, to them
--a measure which, not confined in its operation to this great class, is

calculated to grind down countless smaller interests engaged in the
domestic trades and, interests of the empire, transferring the profits of
all these interests--English, Scotch, Irish, and Colonial
--great and small alike, from Englishmen, from Scotchmen, and from
Irishmen, to Americans, to Frenchmen, to Russians, to Poles, to
Prussians, and to Germans. Sir, I come now to the reformed House of
Commons; and as one who was a party to that great measure, I cannot
but feel a deep interest in its success, and more especially in that
portion of it which extended the franchise to the largest and the most
respectable body in the kingdom--I mean the landed tenantry of
England; and deeply should I regret should any large proportion of
those members who have been sent to Parliament to represent them in
this House, prove to be the men to bring lasting dishonour upon
themselves, their constituencies, and this House, by an act of
tergiversation so gross as to be altogether unprecedented in the annals
of any reformed or unreformed House of Commons. Sir, lastly, I come
to the "proud aristocracy." We are a proud aristocracy, but if we are
proud, it is that we are proud in the chastity of our honour. If we
assisted in '41 in turning the Whigs out of office, because we did not
consider a fixed duty of eight shillings a quarter on foreign corn a
sufficient protection, it was with honesty of purpose and in
single-mindedness we did so; and as we were not before the fact, we
will not be accomplices after the fact in the fraud by which the Whig
ministers were expelled from power. If we are a proud aristocracy, we
are proud of our honour, inasmuch as we never have been guilty, and
never can be guilty, of double-dealing with the farmers of England--of
swindling our opponents, deceiving our friends, or betraying our
constituents.'
The division was called. The West-India interest, notwithstanding the
amendment was moved by the member for Bristol, deserted the
Protectionists. Deaf to the appeals, and the remonstrances, and the
warnings of Lord George, one of their leading members replied, with a
smile of triumphant content, that 'they had made a satisfactory
arrangement for themselves.' How satisfactory did the West-Indians
find it four months subsequently? All the shipping interest deserted the

land. They were for everything free, except