Life of Henry Reeve, vol 2 | Page 7

are assailed, the
people of England have never shown much forbearance in the defence
of them. Such being the fact, it is utterly repugnant to the first
principles of our own policy, and to every page in our history, to lend
encouragement to that separation of nationalities from other empires
which we fiercely resist when it threatens to dismember our own.'

He then goes on to speak of the administration of such nationalities,
and continues:--'The spirit of the Austrian Government in the Italian
provinces we heartily deplore. All things considered, it would have
been better for Austria herself if England and the other Powers had not
insisted in 1815 on her resuming the government of Lombardy, or if the
Lombardo-Venetian kingdom had been erected into a distinct State; but
that consideration is utterly insufficient to justify a deliberate breach of
the public law of Europe.'
And he adds a note:--'We believe that we are strictly correct in stating
that the Emperor Francis, foreseeing the difficulties his Government
would have to encounter in Lombardy, and anxious to avoid causes of
future dissension with France, expressed his strong disinclination to
resume that province; but it was pressed upon him by the other Powers,
and especially by the Prince Regent of England, as the only effectual
mode of excluding the influence of France from Northern Italy.'
The argument, throughout, is that the attack on Austria about to be
made by France and Sardinia was an unprovoked aggression, a
violation of European treaties; on the part of Sardinia, for lust of
territory, and on the part of France, for a desire to remodel the map of
Europe, to annex Savoy-- which was to be the price of her
assistance--and to carry out the ideas 'conceived at the time of his early
connexion with the Italian patriots in the movement of 1831.'
From Lord Hatherton _Teddesley, March 5th._--I have been from
home two days....Pray excuse my not having thanked you before for
your kind announcement of Tocqueville's convalescence. But the same
day brought me a letter from a friend of Tocqueville's brother, ... telling
me the accounts were very unpromising. I hope and believe yours is the
more reliable account.
I have not a doubt that L. Napoleon means war, and will not be baulked
of it. It is a disagreeable thing for England to know that, if he succeed,
he will have acquired some valuable experience in the embarkation and
disembarkation of an armament of 45,000 men, with as many more to
follow it; and that if they are not wanted in the Mediterranean, they
may be used elsewhere, while we are totally unprepared; and I fear,

through the weakness of our Government, from the nature of our
institutions, for purposes of defence in times of peace, are likely to
remain so.
From Count Zamoyski Paris, March 29th.
My dear friend, I am not surprised at your regret; my own is very keen.
Throughout his whole life Sigismond Krasinski was obliged to conceal
his true self. Out of regard for his father, who was always a pitiful
courtier of success, he denied himself the liberty of saying what he
thought, acknowledging what he wrote, or showing to whom he was
attached. I was one of those whom he supported by his zealous
co-operation. You knew him as a poet; he had become a politician, and
seemed destined to exercise a great influence. His loss is irreparable.
To me he was a friend and a brother-in-arms.
His widow, his two sons--of twelve and thirteen, and his daughter, of
seven, are here. She is occupied in collecting all her husband's writings,
with the intention of publishing all that is of value. She thinks, and
rightly, that a judicious selection of his letters would be especially
interesting as containing the secret of his life--a secret which he
guarded so carefully. If, therefore, you will send me what you have, or
bring them when you come here in a month's time, you will oblige both
his widow and friends. His sons had never been separated from
him--which will assure you that their early education has been well
cared for. Their mother proposes that they should continue their studies
here, attending a college, and having lessons in Polish history and
literature, which can be had here better than in Poland.
So it is settled that we are to have a congress! But what will it do?
What can be done in such a matter in so short a time? The 'Moniteur'
has rightly pointed out that it is necessary to 'study the questions.' For
that, time is especially wanted. It would need something like a council
sitting through years, reigns, wars, to bring about salutary and lasting
results. I am told that nowadays everything must go by steam--this, as
well as