exercise, in conformity with law,
and with a profound respect for it, very considerable power for a few
years to come, and was to leave his impress upon a century and a half
of English history. But that influence was only to come after a greater
and a more forceful spirit had passed away, leaving no one fit to wield
the same resistless power. Never has stern denunciation been relieved
by a tribute of more dignified admiration of unquestionable greatness.
His warmest admirers could not place Cromwell on a higher pedestal of
acknowledged grandeur, all untouched by sympathy and all unbending
in condemnation though Hyde's verdict is.
The same dramatic element is present in Hyde's picture of the scene
that followed. Cromwell's life had closed amidst clouds and thickening
trouble. The Earl of Warwick and his grandson and heir (Cromwell's
son-in-law), had both died. On that side his alliance with the great
aristocracy of England was broken. Another son-in-law, Lord
Falconbridge, was alienated from him, and refused to acquiesce in his
later ambitions. Desborough, his brother- in-law, was at least doubtful
in his allegiance; and Fleetwood, a third son-in-law, was a feeble
craven, upon whom no reliance could be placed. The fear of
assassination had haunted him; and the death of Syndercombe in prison
had snatched away from him the chance of making a striking example
of one who had plotted against his life. The death of his daughter, the
wife of Claypole, had sorely tried the tenderness that was mingled with
his stern ambition, and it may be that the story of her grief at the blood
he shed had some foundation, and that the prick of conscience added to
his gloom. At least, it is certain that the sun of his success set in clouds
and darkness, which might portend the crash of the fabric he had raised.
But Hyde is keenly impressed with the absolute contrast between the
portents and the reality.
"Never monarch, after he had inherited a crown by many descents, died
in more silence nor with less alteration; and there was the same, or a
greater, calm in the kingdom than had been before." "The dead is
interred in the sepulchre of the Kings, and with the obsequies due to
such. His son inherits all his greatness and all his glory, without that
public hate, that visibly attended the other." "Nothing was heard in
England but the voice of joy." That state might have continued "if this
child of fortune could have sat still." But "the drowsy temper of
Richard" was little fitted to benefit by this apparent acceptance, much
as it damped the hopes of the exiled Court. The engagements already
made with Sweden rendered supplies necessary, and to raise these
supplies it was necessary to summon a Parliament. Cromwell's bold
scheme of Parliamentary reform, by which he had added to the county
representatives and diminished those of the smaller burghs, was
departed from, and the burgh representatives were again increased so as
to give to the "Court" better opportunities of interfering in elections.
Parliament met on January 27th, 1658/9, and it was not long before
troublesome disputes again broke out. The votes were carried by small
majorities, and there were so many various parties in the House that it
was never certain when a combination of adverse factions might
outnumber the followers of the "Court." To these followers there was
opposed a strong phalanx of ardent Republicans, and the balance was
held by a nondescript element called the "Neuters," amongst whom
there were some even of Royalist leanings. Hyde was in constant
correspondence with Royalist adherents in England, as to the means by
which these different parties in Parliament might be used to involve the
Government of Richard in trouble, to accentuate such discontent as
existed, and, if possible, to steal an occasional adverse vote. But such
schemes had little success.
Opposition to the Government, however, came from a source more
powerful than a divided Parliament. Lambert had been cashiered by the
late Protector; but he still retained an enormous influence in the army,
and the army had no mind to submit tamely to extinction by Parliament.
A council of the officers met to air their grievances, and Lambert,
although no longer an officer, had a place amongst them. They
complained that their pay was in arrear; that their services were
neglected; that "the good old cause was traduced by malignants"; and
that Parliament must be moved to redress their wrongs. With strange
impolicy, Parliament passed a resolution against any council of officers,
and sought to impose its authority upon a power greater than itself. The
ready answer was a demand for the dissolution of Parliament. Richard
Cromwell was allowed no choice in the matter; if he did not do it, the
army, he
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