Indian speeches (1907-1909) | Page 9

triumph
for the party of sedition. They held that, to draw back on account of
local and sporadic disturbances, however serious, anxious, and
troublesome they might be, would have been a really grave humiliation.
To hesitate to make a beginning with our own policy of improving the
administrative machinery of the Indian Government, would have been
taken as a sign of nervousness, trepidation, and fear; and fear, that is
always unworthy in any Government, is in the Indian Government, not
only unworthy, but extremely dangerous. I hope the House concurs

with His Majesty's Government.
In answer to a Question the other day, I warned one or two of my hon.
friends that, in resisting the employment of powers to suppress
disturbances, under the Regulation of 1818 or by any other lawful
weapon we could find, they were promoting the success of that disorder,
which would be fatal to the very projects with which they sympathise.
The despatch from India reached us in due course. It was considered by
the Council of India and by His Majesty's Government, and our reply
was sent about a fortnight ago. Someone will ask--Are you going to lay
these two despatches on the Table to-day? I hope the House will not
take it amiss if I say that at this stage--perhaps at all stages--it would be
wholly disadvantageous to lay the despatches on the Table. We are in
the middle of the discussion to-day, and it would break up steady
continuity if we had a premature discussion coram populo. Everyone
will understand that discussions of this kind must be very delicate, and
it is of the utmost importance that they should be conducted with entire
freedom. But, to employ a word that I do not often use, I might
adumbrate the proposals. This is how the case stands. The despatch
reached His Majesty's Government, who considered it. We then set out
our views upon the points raised in the despatch. The Government of
India will now frame what is called a Resolution. That draft Resolution,
when framed by them in conformity with the instructions of His
Majesty's Government, will in due course be sent here. We shall
consider that draft, and then it will be my duty to present it to this
House if legislation is necessary, as it will be; and it will be published
in India to be discussed there by all those concerned....
The main proposal is the acceptance of the general principle of a
substantial enlargement of Legislative Councils, both the
Governor-General's Legislative Council and the Provincial Legislative
Councils. Details of this reform have to be further discussed in
consultation with the local Governments in India, but so far it is
thought best in India that an official majority must be maintained.
Again, in the discussion of the Budget in the Viceroy's Council the
subjects are to be grouped and explained severally by the members of
Council in charge of the Departments, and longer time is to be allowed
for this detailed discussion and for general debate. One more
suggestion. The Secretary of State has the privilege of recommending

to the Crown members of the Council of India. I think that the time has
now come when the Secretary of State may safely, wisely, and justly
recommend at any rate one Indian member. I will not discuss the
question now. I may have to argue it in Parliament at a later stage, but I
think it is right to say what is my intention, realising as we all do how
few opportunities the governing bodies have of hearing the voice of
Indians.
I believe I have defended myself from ignoring the principle that there
is a difference between the Western European and the Indian Asiatic.
There is vital difference, and it is infatuation to ignore it. But there is
another vital fact--namely, that the Indian Asiatic is a man with very
vivid susceptibilities of all kinds, and with living traditions of a
civilisation of his own; and we are bound to treat him with the same
kind of respect and kindness and sympathy that we should expect to be
treated with ourselves. Only the other day I saw a letter from General
Gordon to a friend of mine. He wrote--
"To govern men, there is but one way, and it is eternal truth. Get into
their skins. Try to realize their feelings. That is the true secret of
government."
That is not only a great ethical, but a great political law, and we shall
reap a sour and sorry harvest if it is forgotten. It would be folly to
pretend to any dogmatic assurance--and I certainly do not--as to the
course of the future in India. But for to-day anybody who takes part in
the rule of India, whether as a Minister or