How Members of Congress Are Bribed | Page 8

I think his services are worth for the future. * * * In view of the many things we have now before Congress * " * it is very important that his friends in Washington should be with us, and if that could be brought about by paying Carr say $10,000 to $20,000 per year, I think we could afford to do it, but, of course, not until he had controlled his friends. I would like to have you get a written proposition from Carr, in which he would agree to control his friends for a fixed sum, then send it to me." (No. 99. N. Y., Jan. 14, 1876.)
So much for California.

Cost of Arizona Legislature and Voters of New Mexico.

"If we had a franchise to build a road or two roads through Arizona (we controlling, but having it in the name of another party) it could be used against Scott. Cannot you have Stafford [Governor of Arizona] call the Legislature together and grant such charters as we want at a cost of say $25,000? If we could get such a charter as I spoke to you of it would be worth much money to us." (No. 18. N. Y., Sept. 27, 1875.)
"I think Stafford had better be in Washington at the commencement of the regular session to get Congress to confirm the Acts of Arizona." (No. 366, N. Y., Oct. 29, 1877.)
As to New Mexico:
I saw Axtell, Gov. of New Mexico, and be said he thought that if we would send to him such a bill as we wanted to have passed into a law, he could get it passed with very little or no money; when, if we sent a man there, they would stick him for large amounts." (No. 366. N. Y., Oct. 29, 1877.)

Corruption and Bribery.

Such in part, is the story of the Letters. If it is not one of appalling corruption and unhesitating bribery often repeated, what else is it? Why should it cost a specific $200,000 to pass any proper bill through Congress? $25,000 to convene a Territorial Legislature? $10,000 to $20,000 a year to influence justly a few Californians? Influence thus exercised is as, palpable as it is direct.

Nature and Value of Picnics.

But ends are sometimes attained by indirection. The Letters tell how. For example:
"I have been working for the last two month" to get a party, of say, 25 Southern members of Congress to go out to California and over the line of the Southern Pacific and see what we have done and our ability to do. * * * I told Senator Gordon of Georgia if he could get up a party of the best men of the South we would pay all their expenses, which. I suppose would not be less than $10,000, and I think it would be money well expended." (No. 208. N. Y., July 26th, 1876.)
But these Southern gentlemen seem to have been somewhat hesitating, as attest:
"I have telegraphed to-day to you to get some of the prominent men of San Francisco to telegraph to Gordon, Senator from Georgia, with other Southern men to go. While Gordon and some others are not afraid to go, G. tells me, that some of his friends do not like to go on an invitation from the R. R. Co." (No. 213. N. Y., Aug. 7th, 1876.)
And the fear of a thoughtful constituency appears to have resulted in "some doubts."
"You must have had a lively time in getting so many good names signed and sent on in so short a time, inviting our Southern brethren to come to Cal. I saw Gordon and several others just before Congress adjourned, and they said they would go, but I have some doubts about it, as most of the members of Congress are looking after their re-election." (No. 221. N. Y., Aug. 25th, 1875.)
By the light of the above extracts may perhaps be interpreted the meaning of the news that has just come by telegraph that the "Senate Committee on Pacific Railroads will take a trip, soon after Congress adjourns, to San Francisco by way of the Union, Central and Southern Pacific systems - in Senator Brice's private car."

Protest and Petition.

It would be an interesting, and to me a congenial task, to further analyze the Letters; to show what tools the monopolists secured, and how they worked with them; to set forth how rivalry was met and defeated; railroads - such as the Santa Monica - absorbed or paralyzed, and many things were done and undone. But my intention at the outset was simply to proclaim with irrefrageable proofs some shameful facts, and to protest against any faltering in enforcing they laws as they exist, compelling payment to the Government of great debts soon to mature. Of principal and interest there will be due