How Members of Congress Are Bribed | Page 5

to San Diego, and I am disposed to think the full committee will report it to the House. It can be hoped, but I doubt if it would be worth the cost, as I do not think it can pass the House. Scott, no doubt, will promise all the - say $40,000,000 that the Act would give him." (No, 428. N. Y., Feb. 23, 1878.)
And thus:
"The T. and P. folks are working hard on their bill. * * * They offered one M. C. one thousand dollars cash down, five thousand when the Bill passed and ten thousand of the bonds when they got them, if he would vote for the Bill." (No. 455. N. Y., May 3 , 1878.)
The thought naturally occurs here: If such matter-of-course mention of appalling debauch cry of political honor and morality reflects the character of a conscience and foreshadows the scope of a purpose, - if such were his estimate of Congress, and such his belief then - how much are the Central Pacific magnates disposed to promise now to soon evade and eventually escape payment of, say, $67,000,000 now nearly due to the Government?

"The People Can Never Have an Open Highway."

In 1874, Thomas A. Scott, of Pennsylvania, proposed to build the Texas and Pacific Railway, and to secure subsidies for that purpose from the Southern States, as well as from Congress.
[With the question of subsidies in the abstract, this writing has nothing to do.]
If he succeeded, the Southern Pacific would lose its early clutch on the throat of our commerce, an hundred thousand voters would escape from political bondage - its paralyzing grip would be weakened, if not broken. There was deadly issue at once.
Scott wrote to Huntington Dec. 9, 1874:
"We expect to build our road to San Diego, as already pledged to the public to do so." (No. 416. N. Y., Dec. 10, 1874.)
Later, Huntington wrote to Colton:
"Scott is doing all he can to push his Texas Pacific Road, and his strength all lies in one thing: The Southern Pacific of California is controlled by the Central Pacific and Union Pacific, and will be used only to help those great monopolies, and if we are beat by Scott, it will be because our friends have persisted in helping him to convince the public the above is true, and the people can never have an open highway so long as the Central Pacific controls all the roads that reach out to the Pacific." (No. 267. N. Y., April 3, 1877.)

Behind the Scenes.

These Colton letters emphasize Huntington's opinions, and expose his methods during the struggle. Not completely, of course. One must read between the lines occasionally. Something is left to surmise - to the reflection, of Hamlet's Uncle, that
"In the corrupted currents of this world offense's gilded hand may shove by Justice; and oft 'tis seen the wicked prize itself buys out the law."
When he speaks of Mr. Justice Field not sitting in a certain suit (No. 475. N.Y., Sept. 30th, 1878), and, just how he "got the Secretary of War out of all ugly idea in about twenty minutes," saw three other Cabinet members shortly after, and caused a President to abandon being "cross" and to "laugh heartily" (No. 361. N. Y., Oct. 10th, 1877), is not precisely clear; nor are details given as to how the Railroad Committee was sure to be "convinced" (No, 59. N. Y., Nov. 30, 1879) or exactly what he did before writing: "I stayed in Washington two days to fix up R. R. Committee in Senate. * * * * The Committee is just as we want it." (No. 261. N. Y., March 7th, 1877.)
And it should be remembered, too, that the writer prided himself in confessing to deliberate wariness in bribery and, caution in corrupting, occupying in, "high ground" and preparing in advance to defy investigators. As, witness:
"I returned from Washington this morning; shall go back next Monday night. * * * Scott is working mostly among the commercial men. He switched Senator Spencer of Alabama and Walker of Virginia this week, but you know they can be switched back with the proper arrangements when they are wanted; but Scott is asking for so much that he can promise largely to pay when he wins, and you know I keep on high ground." (No. 110. N.Y., Jan. 29th, 1876.)
And again:
"When I see you I shall have much to tell you of Washington matters that I have not time to write, but I keep on high ground so that we cannot be hurt by any investigation." (No. 138. N.Y., March 23d, 1876.)
No just inference can be drawn from such confidential utterances that the "high ground" of safety was fertile soil bearing the flowers and fruits of political purity, rather than a chosen rock of refuge from continuous