adherents by public appeals and private conversation to defeat all 
schemes of truce. The people were stirred by the eloquence of the two 
stadholders. They were stung to fury against Spain and against
Barneveld by the waspish effusions of the daily press. The magistrates 
remained calm, and took part by considerable majorities with 
Barneveld. That statesman, while exercising almost autocratic influence 
in the estates, became more and more odious to the humbler classes, to 
the Nassaus, and especially to the Calvinist clergy. He was denounced, 
as a papist, an atheist, a traitor, because striving for an honourable 
peace with the foe, and because admitting the possibility of more than 
one road to the kingdom of Heaven. To doubt the infallibility of Calvin 
was as heinous a crime, in the eyes of his accusers, as to kneel to the 
host. Peter Titelmann, half a century earlier, dripping with the blood of 
a thousand martyrs, seemed hardly a more loathsome object to all 
Netherlanders than the Advocate now appeared to his political enemies, 
thus daring to preach religious toleration, and boasting of, humble 
ignorance as the safest creed. Alas! we must always have something to 
persecute, and individual man is never so convinced of his own wisdom 
as when dealing with subjects beyond human comprehension. 
Unfortunately, however, while the great Advocate was clear in his 
conscience he had scarcely clean hands. He had very recently accepted 
a present of twenty thousand florins from the King of France. That this 
was a bribe by which his services were to be purchased for a cause not 
in harmony with his own convictions it would be unjust to say. We of a 
later generation, who have had the advantage of looking through the 
portfolio of President Jeannin, and of learning the secret intentions of 
that diplomatist and of his master, can fully understand however that 
there was more than sufficient cause at the time for suspecting the 
purity of the great Advocate's conduct. We are perfectly aware that the 
secret instructions of Henry gave his plenipotentiaries almost unlimited 
power to buy up as many influential personages in the Netherlands as 
could be purchased. So they would assist in making the king master of 
the United Provinces at the proper moment there was scarcely any price 
that he was not willing to pay. 
Especially Prince Maurice, his cousin, and the Advocate of Holland, 
were to be secured by life pensions, property, offices, and dignities, all 
which Jeannin might offer to an almost unlimited amount, if by such 
means those great personages could possibly be induced to perform the 
king's work. 
There is no record that the president ever held out such baits at this
epoch to the prince. There could never be a doubt however in any one's 
mind that if the political chief of the Orange-Nassau house ever wished 
to make himself the instrument by which France should supplant Spain 
in the tyranny of the Netherlands, he might always name his own price. 
Jeannin never insulted him with any such trading propositions. As for 
Barneveld, he avowed long years afterwards that he had accepted the 
twenty thousand florins, and that the king had expressly exacted 
secrecy in regard to the transaction. He declared however that the 
money was a reward for public services rendered by him to the French 
Government ten years before, in the course of his mission to France at 
the time of the peace of Vervins. The reward had been promised in 
1598, and the pledge was fulfilled in 1608. In accepting wages fairly 
earned, however, he protested that he had bound himself to no 
dishonourable service, and that he had never exchanged a word with 
Jeannin or with any man in regard to securing for Henry the 
sovereignty of the Netherlands. 
His friends moreover maintained in his defence that there were no laws 
in the Netherlands forbidding citizens to accept presents or pensions 
from foreign powers. Such an excuse was as bad as the accusation. 
Woe to the republic whose citizens require laws to prevent them from 
becoming stipendiaries of foreign potentates! If public virtue, the only 
foundation of republican institutions, be so far washed away that laws 
in this regard are necessary to save it from complete destruction, then 
already the republic is impossible. Many who bore illustrious names, 
and occupied the highest social positions at, that day in France, 
England, and the obedient provinces, were as venal as cattle at a fair. 
Philip and Henry had bought them over and over again, whenever 
either was rich enough to purchase and strong enough to enforce the 
terms of sale. Bribes were taken with both hands in overflowing 
measure; the difficulty was only in obtaining the work for the wage. 
But it would have been humiliating beyond expression had the new 
commonwealth, after    
    
		
	
	
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