History of the United Netherlands, 1584-86 | Page 7

themselves with Anjou, notwithstanding that he had so utterly
forfeited all claims to their consideration; or they might fight the matter
out with Spain single- handed. The last course was, in his opinion, the
most eligible one, and he was ready to sacrifice his life to its
furtherance. It was, however, indispensable, should that policy be
adopted, that much larger supplies should be voted than had hitherto
been raised, and, in general, that a much more extensive and elevated
spirit of patriotism should manifest itself than had hitherto been
displayed.

It was, on the whole, decided to make a second arrangement with the
Duke of Anjou, Queen Elizabeth warmly urging that course. At the
same time, however, that articles of agreement were drawn up for the
installation of Anjou as sovereign of the United Provinces, the Prince
had himself consented to accept the title of Count of Holland, under an
ample constitutional charter, dictated by his own lips. Neither Anjou
nor Orange lived to be inaugurated into the offices thus bestowed upon
them. The Duke died at Chateau-Thierry on the 10th June, and the
Prince was assassinated a month later at Delft.
What now was the political position of the United Provinces at this
juncture? The sovereignty which had been held by the Estates, ready to
be conferred respectively upon Anjou and Orange, remained in the
hands of the Estates. There was no opposition to this theory. No more
enlarged view of the social compact had yet been taken. The people, as
such, claimed no sovereignty. Had any champion claimed it for them
they would hardly have understood him. The nation dealt with facts.
After abjuring Philip in 1581--an act which had been accomplished by
the Estates--the same Estates in general assembly had exercised
sovereign power, and had twice disposed of that sovereign power by
electing a hereditary ruler. Their right and their power to do this had
been disputed by none, save by the deposed monarch in Spain. Having
the sovereignty to dispose of, it seemed logical that the Estates might
keep it, if so inclined. They did keep it, but only in trust. While Orange
lived, he might often have been elected sovereign of all the Provinces,
could he have been induced to consent. After his death, the Estates
retained, ex necessitate, the sovereignty; and it will soon be related
what they intended to do with it. One thing is very certain, that neither
Orange, while he lived, nor the Estates, after his death, were actuated in
their policy by personal ambition. It will be seen that the first object of
the Estates was to dispossess themselves of the sovereignty which had
again fallen into their hands.
What were the Estates? Without, at the present moment, any farther
inquiries into that constitutional system which had been long
consolidating itself, and was destined to exist upon a firmer basis for
centuries longer, it will be sufficient to observe, that the great
characteristic of the Netherland government was the municipality.
Each Province contained a large number of cities, which were governed

by a board of magistrates, varying in number from twenty to forty. This
college, called the Vroedschap (Assembly of Sages), consisted of the
most notable citizens, and was a self-electing body--a close
corporation--the members being appointed for life, from the citizens at
large. Whenever vacancies occurred from death or loss of citizenship,
the college chose new members--sometimes immediately, sometimes
by means of a double or triple selection of names, the choice of one
from among which was offered to the stadtholder of the province. This
functionary was appointed by the Count, as he was called, whether
Duke of Bavaria or of Burgundy, Emperor, or King. After the
abjuration of Philip, the governors were appointed by the Estates of
each Province.
The Sage-Men chose annually a board of senators, or schepens, whose
functions were mainly judicial; and there were generally two, and
sometimes three, burgomasters, appointed in the same way. This was
the popular branch of the Estates. But, besides this body of
representatives, were the nobles, men of ancient lineage and large
possessions, who had exercised, according to the general feudal law of
Europe, high, low, and intermediate jurisdiction upon their estates, and
had long been recognized as an integral part of the body politic, having
the right to appear, through delegates of their order, in the provincial
and in the general assemblies.
Regarded as a machine for bringing the most decided political
capacities into the administration of public affairs, and for organising
the most practical opposition to the system of religious tyranny, the
Netherland constitution was a healthy, and, for the age, an enlightened
one. The officeholders, it is obvious, were not greedy for the spoils of
office; for it was, unfortunately, often the case that their necessary
expenses in