History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second | Page 8

passage alluded to, that the times
immediately following were times of great practical oppression. What a
field for meditation does this short observation from such a man furnish!
What reflections does it not suggest to a thinking mind upon the
inefficacy of human laws and the imperfection of human constitutions!
We are called from the contemplation of the progress of our
constitution, and our attention fixed with the most minute accuracy to a
particular point, when it is said to have risen to its utmost perfection.
Here we are, then, at the best moment of the best constitution that ever
human wisdom framed. What follows? A tide of oppression and misery,
not arising from external or accidental causes, such as war, pestilence,

or famine, nor even from any such alteration of the laws as might be
supposed to impair this boasted perfection, but from a corrupt and
wicked administration, which all the so much admired checks of the
constitution were not able to prevent. How vain, then, how idle, how
presumptuous is the opinion that laws can do everything! and how
weak and pernicious the maxim founded upon it, that measures, not
men, are to be attended to.
The first years of this reign, under the administration of Southampton
and Clarendon, form by far the least exceptionable part of it; and even
in this period the executions of Argyle and Vane and the whole conduct
of the Government with respect to church matters, both in England and
in Scotland, were gross instances of tyranny. With respect to the
execution of those who were accused of having been more immediately
concerned in the king's death, that of Scrope, who had come in upon
the proclamation, and of the military officers who had attended the trial,
was a violation of every principle of law and justice. But the fate of the
others, though highly dishonourable to Monk, whose whole power had
arisen from his zeal in their service, and the favour and confidence with
which they had rewarded him, and not, perhaps, very creditable to the
nation, of which many had applauded, more had supported, and almost
all had acquiesced in the act, is not certainly to be imputed as a crime to
the king, or to those of his advisers who were of the Cavalier party. The
passion of revenge, though properly condemned both by philosophy
and religion, yet when it is excited by injurious treatment of persons
justly dear to us, is among the most excusable of human frailties; and if
Charles, in his general conduct, had shown stronger feelings of
gratitude for services performed to his father, his character, in the eyes
of many, would be rather raised than lowered by this example of
severity against the regicides. Clarendon is said to have been privy to
the king's receiving money from Louis XIV.; but what proofs exist of
this charge (for a heavy charge it is) I know not. Southampton was one
of the very few of the Royalist party who preserved any just regard for
the liberties of the people; and the disgust which a person possessed of
such sentiments must unavoidably feel is said to have determined him
to quit the king's service, and to retire altogether from public affairs.
Whether he would have acted upon this determination, his death, which

happened in the year 1667, prevents us now from ascertaining.
After the fall of Clarendon, which soon followed, the king entered into
that career of misgovernment which, that he was able to pursue it to its
end, is a disgrace to the history of our country. If anything can add to
our disgust at the meanness with which he solicited a dependence upon
Louis XIV., it is, the hypocritical pretence upon which he was
continually pressing that monarch. After having passed a law, making it
penal to affirm (what was true) that he was a papist, he pretended
(which was certainly not true) to be a zealous and bigoted papist; and
the uneasiness of his conscience at so long delaying a public avowal of
his conversion, was more than once urged by him as an argument to
increase the pension, and to accelerate the assistance, he was to receive
from France. In a later period of his reign, when his interest, as he
thought, lay the other way, that he might at once continue to earn his
wages, and yet put off a public conversion, he stated some scruples,
contracted, no doubt, by his affection to the Protestant churches, in
relation to the popish mode of giving the sacrament, and pretended a
wish that the pope might be induced by Louis to consider of some
alterations in that respect, to enable him to reconcile himself to the
Roman church with a clear and pure conscience.
The ministry known