Henry Clays Remarks in House and Senate | Page 5

transaction. And yet we are going to
sanction acts of violence, committed by ourselves, which but too much
resemble it! What an important difference, too, between the relative
condition of England and of this country! She, perhaps, was struggling
for her existence. She was combating, single-handed, the most
enormous military power that the world has ever known. With whom
were we contending? With a few half-starved, half-clothed, wretched
Indians and fugitive slaves. And while carrying on this inglorious war,
inglorious as regards the laurels or renown won in it, we violate neutral
rights, which the government had solemnly pledged itself to respect,
upon the principle of convenience, or upon the light presumption that,
by possibility, a post might be taken by this miserable combination of
Indians and slaves....
I will not trespass much longer upon the time of the committee; but I
trust I shall be indulged with some few reflections upon the danger of
permitting the conduct on which it has been my painful duty to
animadvert, to pass without the solemn expression of the
disapprobation of this House. Recall to your recollection the free
nations which have gone before us. Where are they now?
"Gone glimmering through the dream of things that were, A
schoolboy's tale, the wonder of an hour."
And how have they lost their liberties? If we could transport ourselves
back to the ages when Greece and Rome flourished in their greatest
prosperity, and, mingling in the throng, should ask a Grecian if he did
not fear that some daring military chieftain, covered with glory, some

Philip or Alexander, would one day overthrow the liberties of his
country, the confident and indignant Grecian would exclaim, No! no!
we have nothing to fear from our heroes; our liberties will be eternal. If
a Roman citizen had been asked if he did not fear that the conqueror of
Gaul might establish a throne upon the ruins of public liberty, he would
have instantly repelled the unjust insinuation. yet Greece fell; Caesar
passed the Rubicon, and the patriotic arm even of Brutus could not
preserve the liberties of his devoted country! The celebrated Madame
de Stael, in her last and perhaps her best work, has said, that in the very
year, almost the very month, when the president of the Directory
declared that monarchy would never more show its frightful head in
France, Bonaparte, with his grenadiers, entered the palace of St. Cloud,
and, dispersing with the bayonet the deputies of the people deliberating
on the affairs of the State, laid the foundation of that vast fabric of
despotism which overshadowed all Europe. I hope not to be
misunderstood; I am far from intimating that General Jackson cherishes
any designs inimical to the liberties of the country. I believe his
intentions to be pure and patriotic. I thank God that he would not, but I
thank him still more that he could not if he would, overturn the liberties
of the Republic. But precedents, if bad, are fraught with the most
dangerous consequences. Man has been described, by some of those
who have treated of his nature, as a bundle of habits. The definition is
much truer when applied to governments. Precedents are their habits.
There is one important difference between the formation of habits by an
individual and by governments. He contracts only after frequent
repetition. A single instance fixes the habit and determines the direction
of governments. Against the alarming doctrine of unlimited discretion
in our military commanders when applied even to prisoners of war, I
must enter my protest. It begins upon them; it will end on us. I hope our
happy form of government is to be perpetual. But, if it is to be
preserved, it must be by the practice of virtue, by justice, by
moderation, by magnanimity, by greatness of soul, by keeping a
watchful and steady eye on the Executive; and, above all, by holding to
a strict accountability the military branch of the public force.
We are fighting a great moral battle for the benefit not only of our
country, but of all mankind. The eyes of the whole world are in fixed
attention upon us. One, and the larger portion of it, is gazing with

contempt, with jealousy, and with envy; the other portion, with hope,
with confidence, and with affection. Everywhere the black cloud of
legitimacy is suspended over the world, save only one bright spot,
which breaks out from the political hemisphere of the West, to
enlighten and animate and gladden the human heart. Obscure that by
the downfall of liberty here, and all mankind are enshrouded in a pall of
universal darkness. To you, Mr. Chairman, belongs the high privilege
of transmitting, unimpaired, to posterity the fair character and liberty of
our country. Do you expect to execute