Handbook of Home Rule | Page 3

not believe that they desire it.
They are satisfied to obtain the management of their own local affairs
under the ægis of the flag of England. The papers in this volume show
how this can be done with due regard to Imperial interests and the
rights of minorities.
I shall not enlarge on this part of the subject, but I wish to draw
attention to the working of the Irish Government, and the position
which it holds in the country, for it is through its administration that the

policy of the Cabinet will be carried out. At the outset I feel bound to
deprecate the exaggerated condemnation which the "Castle" receives
from its opponents. It has its defects. Notwithstanding efforts of various
ministers to enlarge the circle from which its officials are drawn, it is
still too narrow for the modern development of Irish society, and it has
from time to time been recruited from partisans without sufficient
regard to the efficiency and requirements of the public service. But, on
the whole, its members, taken as individuals, can well bear comparison
with those of other branches of the Civil Service. They are diligent;
they desire to do their duty with impartiality, and to hold an even
balance between many opposing interests in Ireland. Whatever party is
in office, they loyally carry out the policy of their chiefs. They are,
probably, more plastic to the leadership of the heads of departments
than members of some English offices, and they are more quickly
moved by the influences around them. Sometimes they may relapse
into an attitude of indifference and inertness if their chiefs are not
active; but, on the other hand, they will act with vigour and decision if
they are led by men who know their own minds and desire to be firm in
the government of the country.
When speaking of the chiefs of the Irish Civil Service, who change
according to the political party in office, we must not overlook the legal
officers, who exercise a most powerful influence on Irish
administration. They consist of the Lord Chancellor, the Attorney and
Solicitor General, and, until 1883, there was also an officer called the
Law Adviser, who was the maid-of-all-work of Castle administration.
In England, those who hold similar legal offices take no part in the
daily administration of public affairs. The Lord Chancellor, as a
member of the Cabinet, takes his share in responsibility for the policy
of the Government. The law officers are consulted in special cases, and
take their part from time to time in debates in the House of Commons.
In Ireland, however, the Chancellor is constantly consulted by the
Lord-Lieutenant on any difficult matter of administration, and the
Attorney and Solicitor General are in constant communication with the
Lord-Lieutenant, if he carries out the daily work of administration, and
with the Chief and the Under Secretary.

Governments differ as to the use they make of these officials. Some
Governments have endeavoured to confine their work to cases where a
mere legal opinion has to be obtained; but, when the country is in a
disturbed state, even these limited references become very frequent,
and questions of policy as well as of law are often discussed with the
law officers. It is needless to say that, with their knowledge of Ireland
and the traditions of Castle government (it is rare that all the law
officers are new to office, and, consequently, they carry on the
traditions from one Government to another), they often exercise a
paramount influence over the policy of the Irish Government, and
practically control it.
They are connected with the closest and most influential order in Irish
society--the legal order, consisting of the judges and Bar of Ireland.
This adds to the general weight of their advice, but it has a special
bearing when cases of legal reform or administration are under
consideration; it then requires unwonted courage and independence for
the law officers of the Crown to support changes which the lay
members of the Government deem necessary.
I have known conspicuous instances of the exercise of these high
qualities by law officers enabling reforms to be carried, but as a rule,
particularly when the initiative of legal reform is left to them, the Irish
law officers do not care to move against the feeling of the legal world
in Dublin. The lawyers, like other bodies, oppose the diminution of
offices and honours belonging to them, or of the funds which, in the
way of fees and salaries, are distributed among members of the bar; and
they become bitterly hostile to any permanent official who is known to
be a firm legal reformer. It would be impossible for me not to
acknowledge the great service often done to the Government by the
able men who