possessed in the older States. Mr. Clay had two strings to his bow. 
Besides being a man of red tape and pigeon-holes, exact, methodical, 
and strictly attentive to business, he had a power over a Kentucky jury 
such as no other man has ever wielded. To this day nothing pleases 
aged Kentuckians better than to tell stories which they heard their 
fathers tell, of Clay's happy repartees to opposing counsel, his 
ingenious cross-questioning of witnesses, his sweeping torrents of 
invective, his captivating courtesy, his melting pathos. Single gestures, 
attitudes, tones, have come down to us through two or three memories, 
and still please the curious guest at Kentucky firesides. But when we 
turn to the cold records of this part of his life, we find little to justify 
his traditional celebrity. It appears that the principal use to which his 
talents were applied during the first years of his practice at the bar was 
in defending murderers. He seems to have shared the feeling which 
then prevailed in the Western country, that to defend a prisoner at the 
bar is a nobler thing than to assist in defending the public against his 
further depredations; and he threw all his force into the defence of 
some men who would have been "none the worse for a hanging." One 
day, in the streets of Lexington, a drunken fellow whom he had rescued 
from the murderer's doom cried out, "Here comes Mr. Clay, who saved 
my life." "Ah! my poor fellow," replied the advocate, "I fear I have 
saved too many like you, who ought to be hanged." The anecdotes 
printed of his exploits in cheating the gallows of its due are of a quality 
which shows that the power of this man over a jury lay much in his 
manner. His delivery, which "bears absolute sway in oratory," was 
bewitching and irresistible, and gave to quite commonplace wit and 
very questionable sentiment an amazing power to please and subdue. 
We are far from thinking that he was not a very able lawyer. Judge 
Story, we remember, before whom he argued a cause later in life, was 
of opinion that he would have won a high position at the bar of the 
Supreme Court, if he had not been early drawn away to public life. In 
Kentucky he was a brilliant, successful practitioner, such as Kentucky 
wanted and could appreciate. In a very few years he was the possessor 
of a fine estate near Lexington, and to the single slave who came to him 
as his share of his father's property were added several others. His wife 
being a skilful and vigorous manager, he was in independent
circumstances, and ready to serve the public, if the public wished him, 
when he had been but ten years in his Western home. Thus he had a 
basis for a public career, without which few men can long serve the 
public with honor and success. And this was a principal reason of the 
former supremacy of Southern men in Washington; nearly all of them 
being men who owned land, which slaves tilled for them, whether they 
were present or absent. 
The young lawyer took to politics very naturally. Posterity, which will 
judge the public men of that period chiefly by their course with regard 
to slavery, will note with pleasure that Clay's first public act was an 
attempt to deliver the infant State of Kentucky from that curse. The 
State Constitution was to be remodelled in 1799. Fresh from the society 
of Chancellor Wythe, an abolitionist who had set free his own 
slaves,--fresh from Richmond, where every man of note, from Jefferson 
and Patrick Henry downwards, was an abolitionist,--Henry Clay began 
in 1798, being then twenty-one years of age, to write a series of articles 
for a newspaper, advocating the gradual abolition of slavery in 
Kentucky. He afterwards spoke on that side at public meetings. Young 
as he was, he took the lead of the public-spirited young men who strove 
to purge the State from this iniquity; but in the Convention the 
proposition was voted down by a majority so decisive as to banish the 
subject from politics for fifty years. Still more honorable was it in Mr. 
Clay, that, in 1829, when Calhoun was maturing nullification, he could 
publicly say that among the acts of his life which he reflected upon 
with most satisfaction was his youthful effort to secure emancipation in 
Kentucky. 
The chapter of our history most abounding in all the elements of 
interest will be that one which will relate the rise and first national 
triumph of the Democratic party. Young Clay came to the Kentucky 
stump just when the country was at the crisis of the struggle between 
the Old and the New. But in Kentucky it was not a struggle; for    
    
		
	
	
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