Eulogy on Chief-Justice Chase | Page 6

William M. Evarts

political movement, and whether himself leading or coöperating or
following in the array and march of events, his plan, his part, his
service, were all for the cause, its prosperity, and its success. To one
who considers this career, not as completed and triumphant, not with
the glories of power, and dignities, and fame which attended it, not
with the blessings of a liberated race, a consolidated Union, an
ennobled nationality which receive the plaudits of his countrymen, but
as its hazards and renunciations, its toils and its perils, showed at the
outset, in contrast with the ease and splendor of his personal fortunes
which adhesion to the political power of slavery seemed to insure to
him, and then contemplates the promptness of his choice and the
steadfastness of his perseverance, the impulse and the action seem to
find a parallel in the life of the great Hebrew statesman, who, "by faith,
when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's
daughter," and "by faith, forsook Egypt, not fearing the wrath of the
king."
The first half of this period of twenty years witnessed only the
preliminaries, equally brave and sagacious, of agitation, promulgation
of purposes and opinions, consultations, conventions, and political
organizations, more and more comprehensive and effective. All this
time Mr. Chase was simply a citizen, and apparently could expect no
political station or authority till it should come from the prosperous
fortunes of the party he was striving to create. Suddenly, by a
surprising conjunction of circumstances he was lifted, at one bound, to
the highest and widest sphere of influence, upon the opinion of the
country, which our political establishment presents--I mean the Senate
of the United States. The elective body, the Legislature of Ohio, was

filled in almost equal numbers with Whigs and Democrats, but a
handful of Liberty party men held the control to prevent or determine a
majority. They elected Mr. Chase. The concurrence is similar, in its
main features, to the election of Mr. Sumner to the Senate, two years
afterward, in Massachusetts. Much criticism of such results is always
and necessarily excited. The true interpretation of such transactions is
simply a transition state from old to new politics, wherein party names
and present interests are unchanged, but opinions and projects and
prospects are taking a new shape, and the old mint, all at once,
astonishes everybody by striking a new image and superscription, soon
to be stamped upon the whole coinage. The part of Mr. Chase in this
election, as of Mr. Sumner in his own, was elevated and without guile.
His term in the Senate brought him to the year 1856, and was followed
by two successive elections and four years' service as Governor of Ohio,
and a reëlection to the Senate. In these high stations he added public
authority to his opinions and purposes, and gained for them wider and
wider influence, while he discharged all general senatorial duties, and
official functions as Governor, with benefit to the legislation of the
nation and to the administration of the State.
As the presidential election approached and the Republican party took
the field with an assurance of assuming the administration of the
Federal Government, and of meeting the weighty responsibility of the
new political basis, the question of candidates absorbed the attention of
the party, and attracted the interest of the whole country. When a new
dynasty is to be enthroned, the personality of the ruler is an element of
the first importance. In the general judgment of the country, and
equally to the apprehension of the mass of his own party and of its rival,
Mr. Seward stood as the natural candidate, and upon manifold
considerations. His unquestioned abilities, his undoubted fidelity, his
vast services and wide following in the party, presented an
unprecedented combination of political strength to obtain the
nomination and carry the election, and of adequate faculties and
authority with the people for the prosperous administration of the
presidential office. Second only to Mr. Seward, in this general
judgment of his countrymen, stood Mr. Chase, with just enough of
preference for him, in some quarters, over Mr. Seward, upon limited

and special considerations, to encourage that darling expedient of our
politics, a resort to a third candidate. This recourse was had, and Mr.
Lincoln was nominated and elected.
The disclosure of Mr. Lincoln to the eyes of his countrymen as a
possible, probable, actual candidate for the presidency came upon them
with the suddenness and surprise of a revelation. His advent to power
as the ruler of a great people, in the supreme juncture of their affairs, to
be the head of the state among its tried and trusted statesmen, to
subordinate and coördinate the pride and ambition of leaders, the
passions and interests
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