Castle Rackrent | Page 9

land on his estate. In every case
where the tenant had improved the land his claim to preference over
every new proposer was admitted. The mere plea, 'I have been on your
Honour's estate so many years,' was disregarded. 'Nor was it
advantageous that each son,' says Miss Edgeworth, 'of the original
tenant should live on his subdivided little potato garden without further
exertion of mind or body.' Further on she continues: 'Not being in want
of ready money, my father was not obliged to let his land to the highest
bidder. He could afford to have good tenants.' In the old leases claims
of duty-fowl, of duty-work, of man or beast had been inserted. Mr.
Edgeworth was one of the first to abolish them. The only clause he
continued in every lease was the alienation fine, which was to protect
the landlord and to prevent a set of middlemen from taking land at a
reasonable rent, and letting it immediately at the highest possible price.
His indulgence as to the time he allowed for the payment of rent was

unusually great, but beyond the half year the tenants knew his strictness
so well, that they rarely ventured to go into arrears, and never did so
with impunity. 'To his character as a good landlord,' she continues, 'was
added that he was a real gentleman; this phrase comprises a good deal
in the opinion of the lower Irish.' There is one very curious paragraph
in which Miss Edgeworth describes how her father knew how to make
use of the tenants' prejudices, putting forward his wishes rather than his
convictions. 'It would be impossible for me,' says his daughter, 'without
ostentation to give any of the proofs I might record of my father's
liberality. Long after they were forgotten by himself, they were
remembered by the warm-hearted people among whom he lived.'
Mr. Edgeworth was one of those people born to get their own way.
Every one seems to have felt the influence of his strong character. It
was not only with his family and his friends that he held his own--the
tenants and the poor people rallied to his command. To be sure, it
sounds like some old Irish legend to be told that Mr. Edgeworth had so
loud a voice that it could be heard a mile off, and that his steward, who
lived in a lodge at that distance from the house, could hear him calling
from the drawing-room window, and would come up for orders.
In 1778, says Miss Edgeworth retrospectively, when England was
despatching her armies all over the world, she had no troops to spare
for the defence of Ireland then threatened with a French invasion; and
the principal nobility and gentry embodied themselves volunteers for
the defence of the country. The Duke of Leinster and Lord Charlemont
were at the head of the 'corps which in perfect order and good
discipline rendered their country respectable.' The friends of Ireland,
profiting by England's growing consideration for the sister country,
now obtained for her great benefits for which they had long been
striving, and Mr. Grattan moved an address to the throne asserting the
legislative independence of Ireland. The address passed the House, and,
as his daughter tells us, Mr. Edgeworth immediately published a
pamphlet. Miss Edgeworth continues as follows, describing his
excellent course of action: 'My father honestly and unostentatiously
used his utmost endeavours to obliterate all that could tend to
perpetuate ill-will in the country. Among the lower classes in his

neighbourhood he endeavoured to discourage that spirit of
recrimination and retaliation which the lower Irish are too prone to
cherish. They are such acute observers that there is no deceiving them
as to the state of the real feeling of their superiors. They know the signs
of what passes within with more certainty than any physiognomist, and
it was soon seen by all those who had any connection with him that my
father was sincere in his disdain of vengeance.' Further on, describing
his political feelings, she says that on the subject of the Union in
parliamentary phrase he had not then been able to make up his mind.
She describes with some pride his first speech in the Irish House at two
o'clock in the morning, when the wearied members were scarcely
awake to hear it, and when some of the outstretched members were
aroused by their neighbours to listen to him! 'When people perceived
that it was not a set speech,' says Miss Edgeworth, 'they became
interested.' He stated his doubts just as they had occurred as he threw
them by turn into each scale. After giving many reasons in favour of
what appeared to be the advantages of the Union, he unexpectedly gave
his vote against it, because he said he had