men. Dr. Johnson had just
completed his famous dictionary, and was the centre of a group of
writers who accepted him at his own valuation. Burke did not want for
company, and wrote copiously.[Footnote: Hints for an Essay on the
Drama. Abridgement of the History of England] He became associated
with Dodsley, a bookseller, who began publishing the Annual Register
in 1759, and was paid a hundred pounds a year for writing upon current
events. He spent two years (1761-63) in Ireland in the employment of
William Hamilton, but at the end of that time returned, chagrined and
disgusted with his would-be patron, who utterly failed to recognize
Burke's worth, and persisted in the most unreasonable demands upon
his time and energy.
For once Burke's independence served him well. In 1765 Lord
Rockingham became prime minister, and Burke, widely known as the
chief writer for the Annual Register, was free to accept the position of
private secretary, which Lord Rockingham was glad to offer him. His
services here were invaluable. The new relations thus established did
not end with the performance of the immediate duties of his office, but
a warm friendship grew up between the two, which lasted till the death
of Lord Rockingham. While yet private secretary, Burke was elected to
Parliament from the borough of Wendover. It was through the influence
of his friend, or perhaps relative, William Burke, that his election was
secured.
Only a few days after taking his seat in the House of Commons, Burke
made his first speech, January 27, 1766. He followed this in a very
short time with another upon the same subject--the Taxation of the
American Colonies. Notwithstanding the great honor and distinction
which these first speeches brought Burke, his party was dismissed at
the close of the session and the Chatham ministry formed. He remained
with his friends, and employed himself in refuting [Footnote:
Observations on the Present State of the Nation] the charges of the
former minister, George Grenville, who wrote a pamphlet accusing his
successors of gross neglect of public duties.
At this point in his life comes the much-discussed matter of
Beaconsfield. How Burke became rich enough to purchase such
expensive property is a question that has never been answered by his
friends or enemies. There are mysterious hints of successful speculation
in East India stock, of money borrowed, and Burke himself, in a letter
to Shackleton, speaks of aid from his friends and "all [the money] he
could collect of his own." However much we may regret the air of
mystery surrounding the matter, and the opportunity given those ever
ready to smirch a great man's character, it is not probable that any one
ever really doubted Burke's integrity in this or any other transaction.
Perhaps the true explanation of his seemingly reckless extravagance (if
any explanation is needed) is that the conventional standards of his
time forced it upon him; and it may be that Burke himself sympathized
to some extent with these standards, and felt a certain satisfaction in
maintaining a proper attitude before the public.
The celebrated case of Wilkes offered an opportunity for discussing the
narrow and corrupt policy pursued by George III. and his followers.
Wilkes, outlawed for libel and protected in the meantime through legal
technicalities, was returned to Parliament by Middlesex. The House
expelled him. He was repeatedly elected and as many times expelled,
and finally the returns were altered, the House voting its approval by a
large majority. In 1770 Burke published his pamphlet [Footnote:
Present Discontents] in which he discussed the situation. For the first
time he showed the full sweep and breadth of his understanding. His
tract was in the interest of his party, but it was written in a spirit far
removed from narrow partisanship. He pointed out with absolute
clearness the cause of dissatisfaction and unrest among the people and
charged George III. and his councillors with gross indifference to the
welfare of the nation and corresponding devotion to selfish interests.
He contended that Parliament was usurping privileges when it
presumed to expel any one, that the people had a right to send
whomsoever they pleased to Parliament, and finally that "in all disputes
between them and their rulers, the presumption was at least upon a par
in favor of the people." From this time until the American Revolution,
Burke used every opportunity to denounce the policy which the king
was pursuing at home and abroad. He doubtless knew beforehand that
what he might say would pass unnoticed, but he never faltered in a
steadfast adherence to his ideas of government, founded, as he believed,
upon the soundest principles. Bristol elected him as its representative in
Parliament. It was a great honor and Burke felt its significance, yet he
did not flinch when the time
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