Autographs for Freedom, Volume 2 | Page 2

Rev. E. H. Chapin 242
The Dying Soliloquy of the Victim of the Wilkesbarre Tragedy Mrs. H.
H. Greenough 243
Let all be Free Hon. C. M. Clay 248

Extract from a Speech Frederick Douglass 251
Extract from an Unpublished Poem on Freedom William D. Snow 256
Letter Rev. H. Ward Beecher 273
A Day Spent at Playford Hall Mrs. Harriet B. Stowe 277
Teaching the Slave to Read Mary Irving 304

INTRODUCTION.
The Colored People's "Industrial College."
WHAT SOME OF THE BUILDERS HAVE THOUGHT.
A word oft-times is expressive of an entire policy. Such is the term
Abolition. Though formerly used as a synonym of Anti-Slavery, people
now clearly understand that the designs of those who have ranged
themselves under the first of these systems of reform are of deeper
significance and wider scope than are the objects contemplated by the
latter, and concern themselves not only with the great primary question
of bodily freedom, but take in also the collateral issues connected with
human enfranchisement, independent of race, complexion, or sex.
The Abolitionist of to-day is the Iconoclast of the age, and his mission
is to break the idolatrous images set up by a hypocritical Church, a
Sham Democracy, or a corrupt public sentiment, and to substitute in
their stead the simple and beautiful doctrine of a common brotherhood.
He would elevate every creature by abolishing the hinderances and
checks imposed upon him, whether these be legal or social--and in
proportion as such grievances are invidious and severe, in such measure
does he place himself in the front rank of the battle, to wage his
emancipating war.
Therefore it is that the Abolitionist has come to be considered the
especial friend of the negro, since he, of all others, has been made to

drink deep from the cup of oppression.
The free-colored man at the north, for his bond-brother as for himself,
has trusted hopefully in the increasing public sentiment, which, in the
multiplication of these friends, has made his future prospects brighter.
And, to-day, while he is making a noble struggle to vindicate the claims
of his entire class, depending mainly for the accomplishment of that
end on his own exertions, he passes in review the devotion and
sacrifices made in his behalf: gratitude is in his heart, and thanks fell
from his lips. But, in one department of reformatory exertion he feels
that he has been neglected. He has seen his pledged allies throw
themselves into the hottest of the battle, to fight for the Abolition of
Capital Punishment--for the Prohibition of the Liquor Traffic--for the
Rights of Women, and similar reforms,--but he has failed to see a
corresponding earnestness, according to the influence of Abolitionists
in the business world, in opening the avenues of industrial labor to the
proscribed youth of the land. This work, therefore, is evidently left for
himself to do. And he has laid his powers to the task. The record of his
conclusions was given at Rochester, in July, and has become already a
part of history.
Though shut out from the workshops of the country, he is determined
to make self-provision, so as to triumph over the spirit of caste that
would keep him degraded. The utility of the Industrial Institution he
would erect, must, he believes, commend itself to Abolitionists. But not
only to them. The verdict of less liberal minds has been given already
in its favor. The usefulness, the self-respect and self-dependence,--the
combination of intelligence and handicraft,--the accumulation of the
materials of wealth, all referable to such an Institution, present fair
claims to the assistance of the entire American people.
Whenever emancipation shall take place, immediate though it be, the
subjects of it, like many who now make up the so-called free
population, will be in what Geologists call, the "Transition State." The
prejudice now felt against them for bearing on their persons the brand
of slaves, cannot die out immediately. Severe trials will still be their
portion--the curse of a "taunted race" must be expiated by almost

miraculous proofs of advancement; and some of these miracles must be
antecedent to the great day of Jubilee. To fight the battle on the bare
ground of abstract principles, will fail to give us complete victory. The
subterfuges of pro-slavery selfishness must now be dragged to light,
and the last weak argument,--that the negro can never contribute
anything to advance the national character, "nailed to the counter as
base coin." To the conquering of the difficulties heaped up in the path
of his industry, the free-colored man of the North has pledged himself.
Already he sees, springing into growth, from out his foster work-school,
intelligent young laborers, competent to enrich the world with
necessary products--industrious citizens, contributing their proportion
to aid on the advancing civilization of the country;--self-providing
artizans vindicating their