Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 4, No. 21, July, 1859 | Page 7

of indigestible and impracticable political dogmas,
dangerous to the peace of the world, and seditious in its local tendency,
and, as a composition, equally at variance with the laws of construction
and the laws of regular government." The Federalist opinion of the
principles of the Administration party was avowed with equal
frankness in their papers. "A democracy is the most absurd constitution,
productive of anarchy and mischief, which must always happen when
the government of a nation depends upon the caprice of the ignorant,
harebrained vulgar. All the miseries of men for a long series of years
grew out of that infamous mode of polity, a democracy; which is to be
reckoned to be only the corruption and degeneracy of a republic, and
not to be ranked among the legitimate forms of government. If it be not
a legitimate government, we owe it no allegiance. He is a blind man
who does not see this truth; he is a base man who will not assert it.
Democratic power is tyranny, in the principle, the beginning, the
progress, and the end. It is on its trial here, and the issue will be civil
war, desolation, and anarchy." These and other foolish excerpts were
kept before their readers by the "Aurora" and "Boston Chronicle,"
leading Democratic organs, and served to sweeten their triumph and to
seal the fate of the unlucky Federalists.
The difference between the tone of these extracts and that of our
present journalists, when they touch upon the abstract principles of
government, may indicate to us the firm hold which the Democratic
theory has taken of our people. As that conquering party marched
onward, the opposition was forced to follow after, and to encamp upon
the ground their powerful enemy left behind him. To-day when we see

gentlemen who consider themselves Conservatives in the ranks of the
Democrats, we may suppose that the tour of the political circle is nearly
completed.
A momentary lull had followed the storm of the election, when Mr.
Jefferson boldly threw down another "bone for the Federalists to
gnaw." He wrote to Thomas Paine, inviting him to America, and
offering him a passage home in a national vessel. "You will, in general,
find us," he added, "returned to sentiments worthy of former times; in
these it will be your glory to have steadily labored, and with as much
effect as any man living. That you may live long, to continue your
useful labors and reap the reward in the thankfulness of nations, is my
sincere prayer. Accept the assurance of my high esteem and
affectionate attachment." Mr. Jefferson went even farther. He openly
announced his intention of giving Paine an office, if there were one in
his gift suitable for him. Now, although Paine had been absent for
many years, he had not been forgotten by the Americans. The echo of
the noise he made in England reached our shores; and English echoes
were more attentively listened to then even than at present. His "Rights
of Man" had been much read in this country. Indeed, it was asserted,
and upon pretty good authority, that Jefferson himself, when Secretary
of State, had advised and encouraged the publication of an American
edition as an antidote to the "Davila" of Mr. Adams. Even the "Age of
Reason" had obtained an immense circulation from the great reputation
of the author. It reminded the Rev. Mr. Goodrich, and other Orthodox
New-Englanders, of Milton's description of Death,--
"Black it stood as night, Fierce as ten furies, terrible as hell."
Yet numbers of people, nothing frightened, would buy and read. "No
work," Dr. Francis tells us, "had a demand for readers comparable to
that of Paine, The 'Age of Reason,' on its first appearance in New York,
was printed as an orthodox book by orthodox publishers,--doubtless
deceived," the charitable Doctor adds, "by the vast renown which the
author of 'Common Sense' had obtained, and by the prospects of sale."
Paine's position in the French Convention, his long imprisonment,
poverty, slovenly habits, and fondness for drink, were all well known
and well talked over. William Cobbett, for one, never lost an
opportunity of dressing up Paine as a filthy monster. He wrote his life
for the sake of doing it more thoroughly. The following extract,

probably much relished at the time, will give some idea of the tone and
temper of this performance:--
"How Tom gets a living now, or what brothel he inhabits, I know not,
nor does it much signify. He has done all the mischief he can do in this
world; and whether his carcass is at last to be suffered to rot on the
earth, or to be dried in the air, is of very little consequence. Whenever
or wherever he breathes his last, he will excite neither sorrow nor