the common man, 174.
CHAPTER V
PEACE AND NEUTRALITY 178
Personal liberty, not creature comforts, the ulterior springs of action of the common man of the democratic nations, 178.
--No change of spiritual state to be looked for in the life-time of the oncoming generation, 185.
--The Dynastic spirit among the peoples of the Empire will, under the discipline of modern economic conditions, fall into decay, 187.
--Contrast of class divisions in Germany and England, 192.
--National establishments are dependent for their continuance upon preparation for hostilities, 196.
--The time required for the people of the Dynastic States to unlearn their preconceptions will be longer than the interval required for a new onset, 197.
--There can be no neutral course between peace by unconditional surrender and submission or peace by the elimination of Imperial Germany and Japan, 202.
--Peace by submission not practicable for the modern nations, 203.
--Neutralisation of citizenship, 205.
--Spontaneous move in that direction not to be looked for, 213.
--Its chances of success, 219.
--The course of events in America, 221.
CHAPTER VI
ELIMINATION OF THE UNFIT 233
A league of neutrals, its outline, 233.
--Need of security from aggression of Imperial Germany, 234.
--Inclusion of the Imperial States in the league, 237.
--Necessity of elimination of Imperial military clique, 239.
--Necessity of intermeddling in internal affairs of Germany even if not acceptable to the German people, 240.
--Probability of pacific nations taking measures to insure peace, 244-298.
--The British gentleman and his control of the English government, 244.
--The shifting of control out of the hands of the gentleman into those of the underbred common man, 251.
--The war situation and its probable effect on popular habits of thought in England, 252.
--The course of such events and their bearing on the chances of a workable pacific league, 255.
--Conditions precedent to a successful pacific league of neutrals, 258.
--Colonial possessions, 259.
--Neutralisation of trade relations, 263.
--Futility of economic boycott, 266.
--The terms of settlement, 269.
--The effect of the war and the chances of the British people being able to meet the exigencies of peace, 273.
--Summary of the terms of settlement, 280.
--Constitutional monarchies and the British gentlemanly government, 281.
--The American national establishment, a government by businessmen, and its economic policy, 292.
--America and the league, 294.
CHAPTER VII
PEACE AND THE PRICE SYSTEM 299
The different conceptions of peace, 299.
--Psychological effects of the war, 303.
--The handicraft system and the machine industry, and their psychological effect on political preconceptions, 306.
--The machine technology and the decay of patriotic loyalty, 310.
--Summary, 313.
--Ownership and the right of contract, 315.
--Standardised under handicraft system, 319.
--Ownership and the machine industry. 320.
--Business control and sabotage, 322.
--Governments of pacific nations controlled by privileged classes, 326.
--Effect of peace on the economic situation, 328.
--Economic aspects of a r��gime of peace, especially as related to the development of classes, 330.
--The analogy of the Victorian Peace, 344.
--The case of the American Farmer, 348.
--The leisure class, 350.
--The rising standard of living, 354.
--Culture, 355.
--The eventual cleavage of classes, those who own and those who do not, 360.
--Conditioned by peace at large, 366.
--Necessary conditions of a lasting peace, 367.
AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE OF PEACE AND THE TERMS OF ITS PERPETUATION
ON THE NATURE OF PEACE AND THE TERMS OF ITS PERPETUATION
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY: ON THE STATE AND ITS RELATION TO WAR AND PEACE
To many thoughtful men ripe in worldly wisdom it is known of a verity that war belongs indefeasibly in the Order of Nature. Contention, with manslaughter, is indispensable in human intercourse, at the same time that it conduces to the increase and diffusion of the manly virtues. So likewise, the unspoiled youth of the race, in the period of adolescence and aspiring manhood, also commonly share this gift of insight and back it with a generous commendation of all the martial qualities; and women of nubile age and no undue maturity gladly meet them half way.
On the other hand, the mothers of the people are commonly unable to see the use of it all. It seems a waste of dear-bought human life, with a large sum of nothing to show for it. So also many men of an elderly turn, prematurely or otherwise, are ready to lend their countenance to the like disparaging appraisal; it may be that the spirit of prowess in them runs at too low a tension, or they may have outlived the more vivid appreciation of the spiritual values involved. There are many, also, with a turn for exhortation, who find employment for their best faculties in attesting the well-known atrocities and futility of war.
Indeed, not infrequently such advocates of peace will devote their otherwise idle powers to this work of exhortation without stipend or subsidy. And they uniformly make good their contention that the currently accepted conception of the nature of war--General Sherman's formula--is substantially correct. All the while it is to be admitted that all this axiomatic exhortation has no visible effect on the course of events or on the popular temper touching warlike enterprise. Indeed, no equal
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