American Institutions and Their Influence | Page 3

of
abolitionists or of slaveholders: but they will be found to present a

masterly view of a most perplexing and interesting subject, which
seems to cover the whole ground, and to lead to the melancholy
conclusion of the utter impotency of human effort to eradicate this
acknowledged evil. But on this, and on the various topics of the deepest
interest which are discussed in this work, it was thought that the
American readers would be fully competent to form their own opinions,
and to detect any errors of the author, if such there are, without any
attempt of the present editor to enlighten them. At all events, it is to be
hoped that the citizens of the United States will patiently read, and
candidly consider, the views of this accomplished foreigner, however
hostile they may be to their own preconceived opinions or prejudices.
He says: "There are certain truths which Americans can only learn from
strangers, or from experience." Let us, then, at least listen to one who
admires us and our institutions, and whose complaints, when he makes
any, are, that we have not perfected our own glorious plans, and that
there are some things yet to be amended. We shall thus furnish a
practical proof, that public opinion in this country is not so intolerant as
the author may be understood to represent it. However mistaken he
may be, his manly appeal to our understandings and to our consciences,
should at least be heard. "If ever," he says, "these lines are read in
America, I am well assured of two things: in the first place, that all who
peruse them will raise their voice to condemn me; and, in the second
place, that very many of them will acquit me at the bottom of their
consciences." He is writing on that very sore subject, the tyranny of
public opinion in the United States.
Fully to comprehend the scope of the present work, the author's motive
and object in preparing it should be distinctly kept in view. He has
written, not for America, but for France. "It was not, then, merely to
satisfy a legitimate curiosity," he says, "that I have examined America:
my wish has been to find instruction, by which we might ourselves
profit."--"I sought the image of democracy itself, with its inclinations,
its character, its prejudices, and its passions, in order to learn what we
have to hope or fear from its progress." He thinks that the principle of
democracy has sprung into new life throughout Europe, and
particularly in France, and that it is advancing: with a firm and steady
march to the control of all civilized governments. In his own country,
he had seen a recent attempt to repress its energies within due bounds,

and to prevent the consequences of its excesses. And it seems to be a
main object with him, to ascertain whether these bounds can be relied
upon; whether the dikes and embankments of human contrivance can
keep within any appointed channel this mighty and majestic stream.
Giving the fullest confidence to his declaration, that his book "is
written to favor no particular views and with no design of serving or
attacking any party," it is yet evident that his mind has been very open
to receive impressions unfavorable to the admission into France of the
unbounded and unlimited democracy which reigns in these United
States. A knowledge of this inclination of his mind will necessarily
induce some caution in his readers, while perusing those parts of the
work which treat of the effects of our democracy upon the stability of
our government and its administration. While the views of the author,
respecting the application of the democratic principle, in the extent that
it exists with us, to the institutions of France, or to any of the European
nations, are of the utmost importance to the people and statesmen of
those countries, they are scarcely less entitled to the attention of
Americans. He has exhibited, with admirable skill, the causes and
circumstances which prepared our forefathers, gradually, for the
enjoyment of free institutions, and which enable them to sustain,
without abusing, the utmost liberty that was ever enjoyed by any people.
In tracing these causes, in examining how far they continue to influence
our conduct, manners, and opinions, and in searching for the means of
preventing their decay or destruction, the intelligent American reader
will find no better guide than M. DE TOCQUEVILLE.
Fresh from the scenes of the "three days" revolution in France, the
author came among us to observe, carefully and critically, the operation
of the new principle on which the happiness of his country, and, as he
seems to believe, the destinies of the civilized world, depend. Filled
with the love of liberty, but remembering the atrocities which, in its