America for Americans! | Page 5

of the oppressed, the home of the
down-trodden. But in the process of time this great opportunity
afforded the nations of the old world came to be abused, and to-day is
the largest source of our national danger. We are now bound to call a
halt all along the line of immigration; to say to those peoples of the old
world that this is not a new Africa, nor a new Ireland, nor a new
Germany, nor a new Italy, nor a new England, nor a new Russia; that
this is not a brothel for the Mormon, a fetich for the negro, a country
for the ticket-of-leave-men; not a place for the criminals and paupers of
Europe; but this country is for man--man in his intelligence, man in his
morality, man in his love of liberty, man, whosoever he is,
whencesoever he cometh. [Cries of amen, followed by applause.]
The time has come for us to call a halt all along the line, and if we do

not close the gates we should place them ajar. We should do two things:
First, declare that this country is for Americans. [Applause.] It is not
for Germans, nor for Irishmen, nor for Englishmen, nor for Spaniards,
nor for the Chinese, nor for the Japanese, but it is for Americans. [Cries
of amen and applause.] I am not to-day reviving the Know-Nothing cry,
for I am glad to say that I am not a know-nothing in any sense.
[Laughter.] Nor am I reviving what may be called the old Native
American cry, for we have outlived that. But I am simply declaring that
America is for Typical Americans. In other words, that we are
determined by all that is honorable in law, by all that is energetic in
religion, by all that is dear to our altars and our firesides, that this
country shall not become un-American.
Let us to-day proclaim to the world that he is an American, whether
native-born or foreign-born, who accepts seven great ideas which shall
differentiate him from all other peoples on the face of the globe. I am
bound to say, and you will agree with me, that in proportion there are
as many intelligent foreigners (that is, foreign-born) in this
congregation, in our city and in our country, who are in full accord with
this utterance as there are of those to the manor born. In other words
could I call the roll, I would find as many intelligent foreigners who
came here, not for selfishness, but for liberty and for America's sake,
who would be in accord with me in declaring that America is for the
Typical American. [Applause.]
I speak without prejudice; I know that there are those here of foreign
birth who are ornaments in every department of society. They minister
to the sick as learned physicians. They plead in all our courts of justice.
They are the eloquent exponents of divine truth. They are in our halls
of legislation. They beautify private life in all the immunities and
refinements thereof. They have added to the wealth of the nation. But
while I make this concession, and I do it cheerfully and proudly, yet I
must affirm that there are three classes of Americans: the native-born,
the foreign-born and the typical American. The native American has
the advantage of birth, out of which flows one supreme advantage--he
may be the President of the United States. This is a wise provision, as
nativity is a primary source of patriotism, and time is necessary to

appreciation. But the native may be a worthless citizen. He should be
the typical American, but he has too often failed to be. The Tweeds, the
Wards, their like, are no honor whatever to the native stock. Some of
the worst scoundrels who have scandalized our nation have been born
to the soil.
Then there is the foreign-born American, who is such by naturalization.
He may be worthy of our free institutions, as many are; he may be
unworthy, as many have proved themselves to be. But, rising above
these, is the typical American, without regard to place of birth. He is
the possessor of the seven great attributes, which, in my humble
judgment, constitute the true American:
I. That our civil and political rights are not grants from superiors to
inferiors, but flow out of the order and constitution of nature.
II. That the force to maintain these rights is not physical, but moral.
III. That the safeguard of such rights is individual culture and
responsibility.
IV. That secular education is provided by the State, and is forever free
from sectarian control.
V. That there is no alliance of State and Church; the Government
non-religious, but not irreligious.
VI. That the Sabbath is a day of rest from ordinary care and