All For Love | Page 6

of its inhabitants might gain, by reason
of its remoteness, and the casualties of the seas, it could not so easily preserve: And,
therefore, neither the arbitrary power of One, in a monarchy, nor of Many, in a
commonwealth, could make us greater than we are. It is true, that vaster and more
frequent taxes might be gathered, when the consent of the people was not asked or
needed; but this were only by conquering abroad, to be poor at home; and the examples
of our neighbours teach us, that they are not always the happiest subjects, whose kings
extend their dominions farthest. Since therefore we cannot win by an offensive war, at
least, a land war, the model of our government seems naturally contrived for the
defensive part; and the consent of a people is easily obtained to contribute to that power
which must protect it. Felices nimium, bona si sua norint, Angligenae! And yet there are
not wanting malcontents among us, who, surfeiting themselves on too much happiness,
would persuade the people that they might be happier by a change. It was indeed the
policy of their old forefather, when himself was fallen from the station of glory, to seduce
mankind into the same rebellion with him, by telling him he might yet be freer than he
was; that is more free than his nature would allow, or, if I may so say, than God could
make him. We have already all the liberty which freeborn subjects can enjoy, and all
beyond it is but licence. But if it be liberty of conscience which they pretend, the
moderation of our church is such, that its practice extends not to the severity of
persecution; and its discipline is withal so easy, that it allows more freedom to dissenters
than any of the sects would allow to it. In the meantime, what right can be pretended by
these men to attempt innovation in church or state? Who made them the trustees, or to
speak a little nearer their own language, the keepers of the liberty of England? If their call
be extraordinary, let them convince us by working miracles; for ordinary vocation they
can have none, to disturb the government under which they were born, and which
protects them. He who has often changed his party, and always has made his interest the
rule of it, gives little evidence of his sincerity for the public good; it is manifest he
changes but for himself, and takes the people for tools to work his fortune. Yet the
experience of all ages might let him know, that they who trouble the waters first, have
seldom the benefit of the fishing; as they who began the late rebellion enjoyed not the
fruit of their undertaking, but were crushed themselves by the usurpation of their own
instrument. Neither is it enough for them to answer, that they only intend a reformation of
the government, but not the subversion of it: on such pretence all insurrections have been

founded; it is striking at the root of power, which is obedience. Every remonstrance of
private men has the seed of treason in it; and discourses, which are couched in ambiguous
terms, are therefore the more dangerous, because they do all the mischief of open sedition,
yet are safe from the punishment of the laws. These, my lord, are considerations, which I
should not pass so lightly over, had I room to manage them as they deserve; for no man
can be so inconsiderable in a nation, as not to have a share in the welfare of it; and if he
be a true Englishman, he must at the same time be fired with indignation, and revenge
himself as he can on the disturbers of his country. And to whom could I more fitly apply
myself than to your lordship, who have not only an inborn, but an hereditary loyalty? The
memorable constancy and sufferings of your father, almost to the ruin of his estate, for
the royal cause, were an earnest of that which such a parent and such an institution would
produce in the person of a son. But so unhappy an occasion of manifesting your own zeal,
in suffering for his present majesty, the providence of God, and the prudence of your
administration, will, I hope, prevent; that, as your father's fortune waited on the
unhappiness of his sovereign, so your own may participate of the better fate which
attends his son. The relation which you have by alliance to the noble family of your lady,
serves to confirm to you both this happy augury. For what can deserve a greater place in
the English chronicle, than the loyalty and courage, the actions and death, of the general
of an army, fighting for his prince