Afoot in England | Page 9

the best and most influential public opinion, while recognizing the
unconventionality of Mr. Roosevelt's course, heartily approved of both
the matter and the manner of the speech. The London Times said: "Mr.
Roosevelt has reminded us in the most friendly way of what we are at
least in danger of forgetting, and no impatience of outside criticism
ought to be allowed to divert us from considering the substantial truth
of his words. His own conduct of great affairs and the salutary
influence of his policy upon American public life ... at least give him a
right, which all international critics do not possess, to utter a useful,
even if not wholly palatable, warning." The _Daily Telegraph_, after
referring to Mr. Roosevelt as "a practical statesman who combines with
all his serious force a famous sense of humor," expressed the opinion
that his "candor is a tonic, which not only makes plain our immediate
duty but helps us to do it. In Egypt, as in India, there is no doubt as to
the alternative he has stated so vigorously: we must govern or go; and
we have no intention of going." The _Pall Mall Gazette's_ opinion was
that Mr. Roosevelt "delivered a great and memorable speech--a speech
that will be read and pondered over throughout the world."

The London _Spectator_, which is one of the ablest and most
thoughtful journals published in the English language, and which
reflects the most intelligent, broad-minded, and influential public
opinion in the British Empire, devoted a large amount of space to a
consideration of the speech. The _Spectator's_ position in English
journalism is such that I make no apology for a somewhat long
quotation from its comment:
Perhaps the chief event of the week has been Mr. Roosevelt's speech at
the Guildhall. Timid, fussy, and pedantic people have charged Mr.
Roosevelt with all sorts of crimes because he had the courage to speak
out, and have even accused him of unfriendliness to this country
because of his criticisms. Happily the British people as a whole are not
so foolish. Instinctively they have recognized and thoroughly
appreciated the good feeling of Mr. Roosevelt's speech. Only true
friends speak as he spoke.... The barrel-organs, of course, grind out the
old tune about Mr. Roosevelt's tactlessness. In reality he is a very
tactful as well as a very shrewd man. It is surely the height of
tactfulness to recognize that the British people are sane enough and
sincere enough to like being told the truth. His speech is one of the
greatest compliments ever paid to a people by a statesman of another
country.... Mr. Roosevelt has made exactly the kind of speech we
expected him to make--a speech strong, clear, fearless. He has told us
something useful and practical, and has not lost himself in abstractions
and platitudes.... The business of a trustee is not to do what the subject
of the trust likes or thinks he likes, but to do, however much he may
grumble, what is in his truest and best interests. Unless a trustee is
willing to do that, and does not trouble about abuse, ingratitude, and
accusations of selfishness, he had better give up his trust altogether....
We thank Mr. Roosevelt once again for giving us so useful a reminder
of our duty in this respect.
These notes of approval were repeated in a great number of letters
which Mr. Roosevelt received from men and women in all walks of life,
men in distinguished official position and "men in the street." There
were some abusive letters, chiefly anonymous, but the general tone of
this correspondence is fairly illustrated by the following:
Allow me, an old colonist in his eighty-fourth year, to thank you most
heartily for your manly address at the Guildhall and for your life-work

in the cause of humanity. If I ever come to the great Republic, I shall do
myself the honor of seeking an audience of your Excellency. I may do
so on my one hundredth birthday! With best wishes and profound
respect.
The envelope of this letter was addressed to "His Excellency
'Govern-or-go' Roosevelt." That the Daily Telegraph and that the "man
in the street" should independently seize upon this salient point of the
address--the "govern-or-go" theory--is significant.
American readers are sufficiently familiar with Mr. Roosevelt's
principles regarding protectorate or colonial government; any elaborate
explanation or exposition of his views is unnecessary. But it may be
well to repeat that he has over and over again said that all subject
peoples, whether in colonies, protectorates, or insular possessions like
the Philippines and Porto Rico, should be governed for their own
benefit and development and should never be exploited for the mere
profit of the controlling powers. It may be well, too, to add Mr.
Roosevelt's own explanation of his criticism