A Study in Tinguian Folk-Lore | Page 5

the girl's home, and for this event her people prepare a quantity of food (p. 72). On the agreed day the close friends and relatives of both families will assemble. Those who accompany the groom carry jars and pigs, either in part payment for the bride, or to serve as food for the company (pp. 72, 128). The first hours are spent in bargaining over the price the girl should bring, but when this is settled a feast is prepared, and then all indulge in dancing the tadek (p. 59). [16] When the payment is made a portion is distributed among the girl's relatives (pp. 72, 74), but her parents retain the greater part for themselves. [17] The groom cannot yet claim his bride, although in one case he is allowed to take her immediately after the pak��lon by making a special payment for the privilege (p. 74). A few nights later the groom goes to the girl's home carrying with him an empty jar with which he makes the final payment (p. 73). The customary rice ceremony [18] follows and he is then entitled to his bride (p. 73). Should the house or anything in it break at this time, it foretells misfortune for the couple, hence precautions are taken lest such a sign should, by accident, be given (p. 60).
In all but two cases mentioned the girl and her husband go to live with his people. In the first instance their failure to do so raises a protest; in the second, the girl's parents are of much more importance than those of the groom, and this may explain their ability to retain their daughter (pp. 138, 159).
When the bride reaches her future home, she sits on the bamboo floor with her legs stretched out in front of her. The slats which she covers are counted and a string of agate beads, equal in length to the combined width of the slats, is given to her. She now becomes a full member of the family and seems to be under the orders of her mother-in-law (p. 60).
The tales give constant sanction for the marriage of near relatives. Dumanau, we are told, marries his cousin, [19] while we frequently meet with such statements as, "We are relatives and it is good for us to be married," or "They saw that they were related and that both possessed magical power, so they were married (p. 35)." It appears that a man may live with his sweetheart and have children by her, yet leave her, and, without reproach, marry another better fitted to be his wife (p. 54). He may also accept payment for a wife who has deserted him, apparently without loss of prestige (p. 64). No objection seems to be raised to a man having two wives so long as one of these is an inhabitant of the upper world (p. 111), but we find Kanag telling his former sweetheart that he cannot marry her since he is now married to another (p. 138). Again, when two women lay claim to Aponitolau, as their husband, they undergo a test and the loser returns to her former home (p. 94). However, this rule does not prevent a man from having several concubines (p., 120). Gawigawen, we are told, is accompanied to a pak��lon by eighteen young girls who are his concubines (p. 59).
Divorce is twice mentioned, but it seems to call out protest only from the cast off wife (pp. 63, 149).
Closely associated with the celebration of a marriage seems to be a ceremony known as Sayang, during the progress of which a number of small structures--the largest known as balaua--are built. Judging by their names and descriptions, we are justified in considering them "spirit houses" as they are to-day.
The details of the extended Sayang ceremony are nowhere given, but so much is made plain:--At its beginning many people pound rice, for use in the offerings and for food, and da-eng [20] is danced (p. 40). After the Libon [21] invitations are sent out, by means of betel-nuts covered with gold, to those whose presence is especially desired (p. 62). When the guests arrive at the village spring or gate they are offered food or drink, and then while they dance they are sprinkled with water or rice, after which all go up to the town (p. 41 note 2). A medium who knows the customs and desires of the spirits constructs a bamboo mat, which is known as talapitap, and on it offers food. To call their attention she frequently strikes the ground with the dakidak--split sticks of bamboo and lono [22] (p. 40). The guests are not neglected, so far as regards food, for feasting and dancing occupy a considerable portion of their time. The ceremonial dance da-eng is