A Political Diary 1828-1830, Volume II | Page 6

the Duke but
to some other influence. I think this has been insinuated to him since
his resignation. The fact is otherwise. The King had mentioned Bankes
for other situations, but not for the one he holds. On my return home I
found Bankes had called upon me.
After dinner we considered whether the prosecution of Lawless for his
conduct at Ballybeg should be persevered in.
Goulbourn, Peel, Lord Bathurst, Sir G. Murray, and I were for dropping
it. I think the Chancellor inclined the same way. The Duke and the rest,
Aberdeen being absent, were for going on.
I thought no benefit would be derived from success. Even success
would revive feelings and recollections which are dying away, and
which we wish to be forgotten. If we decline proceeding we can say we
did so from the fear of exciting dormant passions. If we proceed, we
shall have no excuse should we revive the memory of bad times.
Reference is to be made to Ireland to ascertain the feeling about it
there.
Bankes came at twelve o'clock. He told me he had been with the Duke,
and had received from him the offer of his old office. He had asked
permission to consult one person, whose name he did not mention to
the Duke,--it was the Duke of Cumberland. He had called at the Palace
and found the Duke of Cumberland was at Windsor. He wanted to write
to him to ask if he had any objection to his taking the office again.
Bankes said he had attended none of the meetings at Lord Chandos's.
He had avoided as much as he could all communication with the Duke
of Cumberland. He had fully determined not to take a part with any
new Government which might be formed, unless it should clearly
appear the King had been unfairly dealt by, or unless there should be an
attempt to make peers to carry the Bill. The Duke of Cumberland had
always said that he made him his first object, and he had reason to

think that he had mentioned him to the King, and had been instrumental
in his appointment. The Duke of Cumberland had desired him to come
to him (during the Bill), and had apparently intended to name some
particular office for him, but seeing his coldness had only sounded him,
and had received the answer I have mentioned above.
The Duke of Cumberland had told him it was an understood thing that
all were to be restored, and that he saw no reason why he should not
take his office again.
_This was ten days ago._
I told him I advised, if he thought it necessary to write to the Duke of
Cumberland at all, that he should merely state his intention to take his
office back again, refer to his conversation with the Duke himself upon
the point, and add distinctly that, taking office, he could no longer have
any communication on political matters with a person who had
declared his hostility to the Government.
I advised him to send off his own servant on a post-horse at six o'clock
to-morrow morning, with a letter to the effect I have stated to the Duke
of Cumberland, and whether he received an answer or not, to go to the
Duke of Wellington and accept at 12.
I advised him to tell the Duke the whole state of the case, and all he had
done.
The Duke of Wellington did not seem by any means well to-day. He
was blooded yesterday.
_April 16._
Cabinet at 3. It seems Bankes called on the Duke this morning, but he
was engaged. I told him all that passed between Bankes and me last
night. If Bankes should go out the Duke means to offer his place to Sir
J. Graham.
We met upon foreign affairs. Aberdeen read his instructions to Gordon,
who goes to Constantinople. They are unobjectionable.
We then considered what was to be done in consequence of this second
violation of their word on the part of the Russians in blockading
Candia.
Count Heyden has written two letters to Sir Pulteney Malcolm. In the
first he justifies the blockade of Candia on the ground of its being
necessary to protect the Morea from the Pacha of Egypt; in the second
he rests it on the necessity of blockading the two extremities of Candia

for the purpose of watching Constantinople.
We cannot permit the Russians to make fools of us in this way--to
promise one thing as parties to the Treaty of London, and to do another
as belligerents.
After the Cabinet I asked the Duke whether he still wished me to press
Courtney upon the Directors. He said, Yes, he very much wanted his
place. I said it had occurred to me