A Political Diary 1828-1830, Volume II | Page 2

Edward Law
Room for thirty more; the House not
oppressively hot; numbers of women. The tone of the debate temperate.
_April 3._
A speech from the Bishop of Durham, full of fallacies and extravagant,
but having its effect.
The Chancellor spoke admirably, endeavouring to bring up Eldon, but
the old man would not move. He wanted more time to consider his
answer, by which he will not improve it.
A speech from Goderich, very animated in his way, and very heavy.
The House did not cheer him once. He pressed himself upon it with bad

taste. He spoke upon all the collateral and unimportant points. He
swung his arm about like a boy throwing a stone from a sling.
Lord Mansfield spoke, sleepily and ill-naturedly. I was exhausted, and
could not have answered him, had he said anything worth answering.
We adjourned at two till one to-morrow.
_April 4._
House at 1. A long absurd speech from Lord Guildford, which must
have given much pain to Lady Ch. Lindsay, who sat under the throne,
and who must have been much annoyed at seeing to what her family
had fallen. We had then Lord Lilford, who rested too much on his notes,
but who has a good manner. He drew his points well, and spoke like a
man, not like a boy.
Lord Tenterden was not powerful. Lord Grey spoke better than he has
done since 1827. He made a speech too long, and indeed the last
half-hour was of no use. He beat the brains out of the Coronation Oath,
as an obstacle to Catholic Concession, and read a curious letter of Lord
Yestor to Lord Tweddale, dated April, 1689, before William III. took
the Coronation Oath, in which Lord Tester mentions that it was
understood that the king had in council declared his understanding of
the sense of the Coronation Oath-- that it bound him in his executive
capacity, not in his legislative. Lord Westmoreland made an odd,
entertaining from its manner, and really very good speech. He
supported the Bill.
Lord Eldon, who, after an ineffectual attempt on the part of Lord
Redesdale to speak, followed Lord Grey, made a very weak, inefficient,
powerless speech. He seemed beaten, and in some respects his memory
had failed him.
Lord Plunket drew, with great power, a picture of the state of society in
Ireland as affected by the laws. The whole of his speech was powerful.
His speech and Lord Grey's were excellent.
After a few sentences from Lord Farnham we divided.
Present for 149 Against 79 ---- Majority 68 Proxies for 70 Against 33
---- Total Content 217 Not Content 112 ---- Majority 105
This will quiet Windsor. The King was to have received a number of
petitions to be presented by peers to-day. The Primate of Ireland was to
have gone, and the Irish Bishops. The latter went. If they had not gone,
the King would have made some excuse for not receiving them.

The majority must put an end to all agitation in England, and
tranquillise Ireland. Indeed as regards this question Ireland is tranquil.
The conduct of the Catholics has been as excellent as that of the
Protestants. Hitherto the announcement of the measure has produced
effects beyond what was anticipated from its adoption.
The Duke of Rutland, who was not expected, and indeed every doubtful
vote was with us.
The Protestants are subdued.
Lord Grey's speech, but still more Lord Plunket's, will have a greater
effect upon the public mind, than any which have yet been delivered.
Really it seems like a dream! That I should, if I lived, live to see this I
did expect; but that I should see it so soon, and that I should happen to
be a member of the Government that carried it, I did not expect. I must
say with what delight I view the prospect of having Catholics in
Parliament. I am sure it will do more for the happiness of Ireland, and
for the strength of the Empire, than any measure that could have been
adopted.
_April 5. _
Dined with Lady Sandwich and met the Arbuthnots, with whom I had a
long talk. She told me the Duke wanted to bring in Lord Chandos, by
way of conciliating the Tories. She thought Lord Rosslyn ought to have
the Privy Seal, and that, considering their late conduct, the Whigs
should be preferred to the Tories, whom we should have at any rate.
That it was enough not to punish them by depriving them of their
offices.
In all this I agree. I think if the Duke should go to the Tories and turn
his back upon the Whigs after what has taken place, he will make
Opposition very acrimonious, and our debates very disagreeable.
I told her if the Privy
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